{"title":"印度在太空领域的优先事项正在转向国家安全","authors":"Dr. Amit Verma","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2022.2146399","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"India launched its space programme in the 1960s as a developing country with limited resources, intending to harness space to advance its social and economic development goals. However, the space programme has grown in the last decade, with two major changes: an ambitious space exploration programme and the growing use of space for national security. In future years, New Delhi’s space aspirations will most certainly be driven by growing security worries about China, notably Beijing’s growing counter-space capabilities. This is anticipated to result in a greater emphasis on national security components and the formation of new space security collaborations. India’s ambitions are mirrored in its Moon and Mars missions. The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) is also hard at work on Gaganyaan, the country’s first human space mission, which is set to launch in 2023. Even though many people have questioned these developments because India is still a poor country, there are many reasons why the government feels it should not give up its space-related ambitions. First, as India’s space programme matures and becomes more sophisticated, space exploration is the natural next step. With larger launchers and more complicated space operations, India’s space capabilities have risen slowly but steadily. Further space exploration to improve technical capabilities would be the logical next step. Second, while these missions may not directly aid development or society, they raise the prominence and reputation of the Indian space programme, making it a more appealing partner for others. Third, carrying out these missions has resulted in technological benefits. NASA assisted India’s first Moon mission and the Mangalyaan mission with deep space communication functions. These missions and developments are, it is felt, necessary for India if it wants to play a more prominent role in governing space worldwide. When India considers using space, military and security issues have become more critical. Even though New Delhi does not have a formal space strategy, official comments from the Indian Parliament and groups like the United Nations show that the country is becoming more militarily muscular. India’s space programme used to be driven by moral and sovereignty concerns. However, since the 1990s, it is driven by pragmatism and concerns about national security. For militaristic reasons, India’s space programme has built reliable launch capabilities and a variety of intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance,","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The priorities of India in space are shifting toward national security\",\"authors\":\"Dr. Amit Verma\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/00358533.2022.2146399\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"India launched its space programme in the 1960s as a developing country with limited resources, intending to harness space to advance its social and economic development goals. However, the space programme has grown in the last decade, with two major changes: an ambitious space exploration programme and the growing use of space for national security. In future years, New Delhi’s space aspirations will most certainly be driven by growing security worries about China, notably Beijing’s growing counter-space capabilities. This is anticipated to result in a greater emphasis on national security components and the formation of new space security collaborations. India’s ambitions are mirrored in its Moon and Mars missions. The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) is also hard at work on Gaganyaan, the country’s first human space mission, which is set to launch in 2023. Even though many people have questioned these developments because India is still a poor country, there are many reasons why the government feels it should not give up its space-related ambitions. First, as India’s space programme matures and becomes more sophisticated, space exploration is the natural next step. With larger launchers and more complicated space operations, India’s space capabilities have risen slowly but steadily. Further space exploration to improve technical capabilities would be the logical next step. Second, while these missions may not directly aid development or society, they raise the prominence and reputation of the Indian space programme, making it a more appealing partner for others. Third, carrying out these missions has resulted in technological benefits. NASA assisted India’s first Moon mission and the Mangalyaan mission with deep space communication functions. These missions and developments are, it is felt, necessary for India if it wants to play a more prominent role in governing space worldwide. When India considers using space, military and security issues have become more critical. Even though New Delhi does not have a formal space strategy, official comments from the Indian Parliament and groups like the United Nations show that the country is becoming more militarily muscular. India’s space programme used to be driven by moral and sovereignty concerns. 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The priorities of India in space are shifting toward national security
India launched its space programme in the 1960s as a developing country with limited resources, intending to harness space to advance its social and economic development goals. However, the space programme has grown in the last decade, with two major changes: an ambitious space exploration programme and the growing use of space for national security. In future years, New Delhi’s space aspirations will most certainly be driven by growing security worries about China, notably Beijing’s growing counter-space capabilities. This is anticipated to result in a greater emphasis on national security components and the formation of new space security collaborations. India’s ambitions are mirrored in its Moon and Mars missions. The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) is also hard at work on Gaganyaan, the country’s first human space mission, which is set to launch in 2023. Even though many people have questioned these developments because India is still a poor country, there are many reasons why the government feels it should not give up its space-related ambitions. First, as India’s space programme matures and becomes more sophisticated, space exploration is the natural next step. With larger launchers and more complicated space operations, India’s space capabilities have risen slowly but steadily. Further space exploration to improve technical capabilities would be the logical next step. Second, while these missions may not directly aid development or society, they raise the prominence and reputation of the Indian space programme, making it a more appealing partner for others. Third, carrying out these missions has resulted in technological benefits. NASA assisted India’s first Moon mission and the Mangalyaan mission with deep space communication functions. These missions and developments are, it is felt, necessary for India if it wants to play a more prominent role in governing space worldwide. When India considers using space, military and security issues have become more critical. Even though New Delhi does not have a formal space strategy, official comments from the Indian Parliament and groups like the United Nations show that the country is becoming more militarily muscular. India’s space programme used to be driven by moral and sovereignty concerns. However, since the 1990s, it is driven by pragmatism and concerns about national security. For militaristic reasons, India’s space programme has built reliable launch capabilities and a variety of intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance,
Round TableSocial Sciences-Geography, Planning and Development
CiteScore
1.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
77
期刊介绍:
Founded in 1910, The Round Table, Britain"s oldest international affairs journal, provides analysis and commentary on all aspects of international affairs. The journal is the major source for coverage of policy issues concerning the contemporary Commonwealth and its role in international affairs, with occasional articles on themes of historical interest. The Round Table has for many years been a repository of informed scholarship, opinion, and judgement regarding both international relations in general, and the Commonwealth in particular, with authorship and readership drawn from the worlds of government, business, finance and academe.