{"title":"新加坡正在向第四代领导人过渡","authors":"James Chin","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201056","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Singapore is widely regarded as a model city-state. On the surface, Singapore’s political system is no different from most western democracies – it has, among other things, the rule of law, a separation of powers between the three organs of state, and a parliamentary democracy. If the British wanted an example of an ex-colony benefiting from colonial rule, they need not look further than Singapore. In fact Singapore is so successful, its per capita income is now higher than that of the United Kingdom. All this was done in one generation, under the country’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. In reality, Lee Kuan Yew shaped the political system to be neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian. It has been called a soft authoritarian state, an electoral authoritarian state, a nation of consultative authoritarianism, an illiberal regime, a hybrid regime, etc., but what is clear is that the People’s Action Party did manipulate the electoral system to secure an overwhelming dominance in every election in Singapore since independence. Nevertheless, it is also widely accepted that Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP) did enjoy genuine support from a majority of Singapore’s polity. There is no dispute that Lee and the PAP did deliver on the economy, making Singapore the only First World country in Southeast Asia with the highest income per-capita. This was done through what most people would call ‘stateled capitalism’. The extensive control over Singapore society by the PAP has allowed the Singaporean government to place a disproportionate emphasis on meritocracy, competence, efficiency and largely anti-labour policies to stop the trade unions from challenging foreign and local capitalists. No real political opposition was allowed to grow to any significant size. The ‘Singapore Model’ places economic growth, political stability and the creation of wealth as its playbook. The commanding heights of the economy were owned and controlled by Government-linked companies (GLC) and Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds. Perhaps the most important element of the Lee Kuan Yew legacy was his succession plans from one generation to the next. It worked remarkably well for the two prime ministers after Lee: Lee Kuan Yew was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in 1990 as prime minister, while Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s eldest son, took over in 2004. Now we are in the middle of the transition to the fourth generation (4G). The candidate for the prime ministership, Lawrence Wong, has been chosen and is widely expected to take over just before or after the next general election. Elections must be held by the middle of 2025, although under the present system, they can be called earlier.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Singapore in transition to fourth generation leadership\",\"authors\":\"James Chin\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/00358533.2023.2201056\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Singapore is widely regarded as a model city-state. On the surface, Singapore’s political system is no different from most western democracies – it has, among other things, the rule of law, a separation of powers between the three organs of state, and a parliamentary democracy. If the British wanted an example of an ex-colony benefiting from colonial rule, they need not look further than Singapore. In fact Singapore is so successful, its per capita income is now higher than that of the United Kingdom. All this was done in one generation, under the country’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. In reality, Lee Kuan Yew shaped the political system to be neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian. It has been called a soft authoritarian state, an electoral authoritarian state, a nation of consultative authoritarianism, an illiberal regime, a hybrid regime, etc., but what is clear is that the People’s Action Party did manipulate the electoral system to secure an overwhelming dominance in every election in Singapore since independence. Nevertheless, it is also widely accepted that Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP) did enjoy genuine support from a majority of Singapore’s polity. There is no dispute that Lee and the PAP did deliver on the economy, making Singapore the only First World country in Southeast Asia with the highest income per-capita. This was done through what most people would call ‘stateled capitalism’. The extensive control over Singapore society by the PAP has allowed the Singaporean government to place a disproportionate emphasis on meritocracy, competence, efficiency and largely anti-labour policies to stop the trade unions from challenging foreign and local capitalists. No real political opposition was allowed to grow to any significant size. The ‘Singapore Model’ places economic growth, political stability and the creation of wealth as its playbook. The commanding heights of the economy were owned and controlled by Government-linked companies (GLC) and Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds. Perhaps the most important element of the Lee Kuan Yew legacy was his succession plans from one generation to the next. It worked remarkably well for the two prime ministers after Lee: Lee Kuan Yew was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in 1990 as prime minister, while Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s eldest son, took over in 2004. Now we are in the middle of the transition to the fourth generation (4G). The candidate for the prime ministership, Lawrence Wong, has been chosen and is widely expected to take over just before or after the next general election. 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Singapore in transition to fourth generation leadership
Singapore is widely regarded as a model city-state. On the surface, Singapore’s political system is no different from most western democracies – it has, among other things, the rule of law, a separation of powers between the three organs of state, and a parliamentary democracy. If the British wanted an example of an ex-colony benefiting from colonial rule, they need not look further than Singapore. In fact Singapore is so successful, its per capita income is now higher than that of the United Kingdom. All this was done in one generation, under the country’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. In reality, Lee Kuan Yew shaped the political system to be neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian. It has been called a soft authoritarian state, an electoral authoritarian state, a nation of consultative authoritarianism, an illiberal regime, a hybrid regime, etc., but what is clear is that the People’s Action Party did manipulate the electoral system to secure an overwhelming dominance in every election in Singapore since independence. Nevertheless, it is also widely accepted that Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP) did enjoy genuine support from a majority of Singapore’s polity. There is no dispute that Lee and the PAP did deliver on the economy, making Singapore the only First World country in Southeast Asia with the highest income per-capita. This was done through what most people would call ‘stateled capitalism’. The extensive control over Singapore society by the PAP has allowed the Singaporean government to place a disproportionate emphasis on meritocracy, competence, efficiency and largely anti-labour policies to stop the trade unions from challenging foreign and local capitalists. No real political opposition was allowed to grow to any significant size. The ‘Singapore Model’ places economic growth, political stability and the creation of wealth as its playbook. The commanding heights of the economy were owned and controlled by Government-linked companies (GLC) and Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds. Perhaps the most important element of the Lee Kuan Yew legacy was his succession plans from one generation to the next. It worked remarkably well for the two prime ministers after Lee: Lee Kuan Yew was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in 1990 as prime minister, while Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s eldest son, took over in 2004. Now we are in the middle of the transition to the fourth generation (4G). The candidate for the prime ministership, Lawrence Wong, has been chosen and is widely expected to take over just before or after the next general election. Elections must be held by the middle of 2025, although under the present system, they can be called earlier.
Round TableSocial Sciences-Geography, Planning and Development
CiteScore
1.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
77
期刊介绍:
Founded in 1910, The Round Table, Britain"s oldest international affairs journal, provides analysis and commentary on all aspects of international affairs. The journal is the major source for coverage of policy issues concerning the contemporary Commonwealth and its role in international affairs, with occasional articles on themes of historical interest. The Round Table has for many years been a repository of informed scholarship, opinion, and judgement regarding both international relations in general, and the Commonwealth in particular, with authorship and readership drawn from the worlds of government, business, finance and academe.