附属岛屿的变化:以挪威人为例

IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Ingrid Bondevik, Dave Kush, Terje Lohndal
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引用次数: 11

摘要

摘要有限附加从句通常被认为是跨语言产生填充-间隙依赖关系的最强岛屿之一,但Kush,Lohndal&Sprouse(2019)发现的实验证据表明,有限条件附加从句在挪威语中不是话题化的岛屿。为了研究这些发现的普遍性,我们进行了三个可接受性判断实验,测试了三种附加从句类型的主题化:挪威语中的om“if”、når“when”和fordi“because”。在很大程度上复制了Kush等人(2019),我们发现在所有三个实验中,om佐剂的局部化没有强烈的岛屿效应的证据。我们发现了når-和fordi佐剂的岛屿效应,但效应的大小和产生这些效应的基本判断分布因岛屿类型而异。我们的结果表明,句法类别“附属词”可能不构成一个适当的细粒度分组来解释岛屿效应的变化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Variation in adjunct islands: The case of Norwegian
Abstract Finite adjunct clauses are often assumed to be among the strongest islands for filler–gap dependency creation cross-linguistically, but Kush, Lohndal & Sprouse (2019) found experimental evidence suggesting that finite conditional om-adjunct clauses are not islands for topicalization in Norwegian. To investigate the generality of these findings, we ran three acceptability judgment experiments testing topicalization out of three adjunct clause types: om ‘if’, når ‘when’ and fordi ‘because’ in Norwegian. Largely replicating Kush et al. (2019), we find evidence for the absence of strong island effects with topicalization from om-adjuncts in all three experiments. We find island effects for når- and fordi-adjuncts, but the size of the effects and the underlying judgment distributions that produce those effects differ greatly by island type. Our results suggest that the syntactic category ‘adjunct’ may not constitute a suitably fine-grained grouping to explain variation in island effects.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.20
自引率
20.00%
发文量
22
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