金砖国家扩张对西亚北非地区竞争的影响

Imad Mansour, Abdelhadi Baiche
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引用次数: 0

摘要

“金砖五国+”(巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和南非,“+”表示成员国的扩大)声称代表全球南方(GS)的利益。这些利益的核心是通过改革全球治理架构和鼓励成员国之间的合作,改善全球结构性交换不平等。改革和协同工作旨在改善GS的经济状况,这是当地长期以来的需求。与此同时,GS地区也受到其组成成员国之间竞争的影响。区域竞争阻碍投资,限制利用区域互补性,并将资金用于军备建设,从而导致经济状况恶化。本文认为,鉴于金砖国家强调促进经济改革和成员国之间的相互依存,这个集体的成员资格激励竞争对手降级,以便他们能够在为国家利益服务的过程中获取利益。金砖国家观察竞争对手的行为,因为维护其信誉和履行其承诺符合集体利益。当各国将合作置于冲突之上,从经济机遇和共享的交流对话平台中获益时,局势就会缓和。这篇文章探讨了“金砖+”在创造有利于西亚和马格里布地区竞争缓和的条件方面的潜力。“金砖五国+”作为一个灵活的、面向全球南方的联盟,其组织结构对存在紧张局势的国家具有吸引力,鼓励采取务实措施缓解紧张局势。但金砖+本身接受的是现有成员国一致接受潜在新成员的基础上的成员资格;对这些新成员的评价主要是基于他们对集体目标的积极贡献,如果他们的成员身份给集体内部带来分裂和竞争,就会被(显然)避开。我们选择了三个案例研究进行分析,这些案例研究在展示金砖国家+成员国/成员国承诺对竞争的影响方面有所不同。这些案例让我们深入了解“金砖+”如何利用成员国身份进程来促进降级,并将其作为加入的先决条件。因此,摩洛哥-阿尔及利亚的对抗提供了金砖国家+激进主义的最有力证据,埃及-埃塞俄比亚的对抗产生了复杂的结果,沙特阿拉伯-伊朗的对抗提供了最不有力的工具化证据(相对于其他情况)。这种分类是基于每个案例对我们研究结论的支持程度。奇怪的是,我们发现这些进程对区域秩序中安全动态的影响各不相同-结果是相反的。这意味着金砖国家+成功地利用成员国身份缓和了沙特阿拉伯与伊朗之间的竞争,并在较小程度上与埃及和埃塞俄比亚取得了类似的结果。相比之下,摩洛哥和阿尔及利亚的对抗表明,金砖国家+将成员国身份作为缓和紧张局势的工具的能力有限,并突显出随后对地区安全的贡献不足,尽管这个集体有这样做的潜力,但它无法做到这一点。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The impact of BRICS expansion on rivalries in West Asia and North Africa

The BRICS + collective (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, with the + to denote the expansion in membership) claims to represent Global South (GS) interests. Core among these interests is to ameliorate global structural exchange inequalities through reforms to global governance architectures and encouraging collaboration among members. Reforms and collaborative work aim at improving economic conditions in the GS, which is a long-standing local demand. At the same time, GS regions suffer from rivalries among its constitutive members states. Regional rivalries contribute to worsening economic conditions by discouraging investments, limiting the utilization of regional complementarities, and channeling money towards arms build-up. This article argues that given BRICS + emphasis on fostering economic reforms and members’ interdependence, membership in this collective incentivizes rivals to de-escalate so that they can capture benefits in the service of their national interests. BRICS + members observe the behavior of rivals since it is in the interest of the collective to uphold its credibility and fulfil its promises. De-escalation occurs as states prioritize cooperation over conflict, benefiting from economic opportunities and shared platforms for exchanges and dialogue. The article examines the potential of BRICS + to create conditions conducive to rivalry de-escalation in West Asia and the Maghreb (WAM). The organizational structure of BRICS + as a flexible, Global South-oriented coalition makes it attractive to states with existing tensions, encouraging pragmatic steps toward de-escalation. But BRICS + itself accepts membership based on existing members unanimously accepting potential newcomers; these newcomers are primarily evaluated on the premise of their positive contributions to the goals of the collective and are (apparently) shunned if their membership brings divisions and rivalry to within the collective. We select for our analysis three case studies which vary in their demonstration of the effects of BRICS + membership/promise of membership on the rivalry. The cases offer insights into how the BRICS + collective has utilized the membership process to promote de-escalation—instrumentalizing it as a preliminary condition for joining. Accordingly, the Morocco-Algeria rivalry provides the strongest evidence of BRICS + activism, the Egypt-Ethiopia rivalry yields mixed results, and the Saudi Arabia-Iran rivalry presents the least robust evidence of instrumentalization (relative to other cases). This categorization is based on how strongly each case supports our study’s claims. Curiously, we find that the impact of these processes on security dynamics in the regional order varied – the outcome is reversed. This means that BRICS + succeeded in leveraging membership to de-escalate the Saudi Arabia-Iran rivalry and, to a lesser extent, achieved similar results with Egypt and Ethiopia. In contrast, the Morocco-Algeria rivalry demonstrates the limits to which BRICS + was able to instrumentalize membership as a tool for de-escalation and highlights the subsequent lack of contribution to regional security, which the collective could not achieve despite its potential to do so.

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