结语:融合的潮流——亚洲背景下的宗教变化

IF 0.7 3区 社会学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY
J. Derrick Lemons
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Music becomes a form of convergence where generational identity, religious authority, and digital media merge.</p><p>Jonathan Johnson's contribution brings the conversation into the digital age by exploring Christian memes in an Asian context as sites of convergence. Juxtaposing early 20th century Chinese Christian posters with contemporary internet memes, Johnson demonstrates how religious meaning is mediated and remade through visual culture. Drawing on Walter Benjamin's analysis of mechanical reproduction, he reveals how memes destabilise yet revitalise religious imagery. Memes, Johnson argues, sit at the nexus of tradition and innovation, satire and sincerity. They are vehicles for theological creativity and critique, often engaging new audiences while reworking familiar symbols. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

本期特刊强调的框架是趋同,这是一个理论视角,挑战了嵌入在破裂和修复范式中的二分思维。在这些案例研究中,从中世纪克什米尔的密宗Śaivism到数字媒体时代的宗教文化,融合成为了考虑宗教变革的有益框架。正如Kendall Marchman在本期特刊的引言中提到的,融合框架认识到宗教变化“很少是单方面的,而是许多不同的参与者和过程以产生显著差异的方式碰撞和一致的结果”。本期的每一篇文章都以自己的方式有力地说明了这一过程。总的来说,它们展示了宗教是如何变化的,不仅仅是分裂,也不仅仅是修复,而是通过影响和适应的交叉流。这一经验为我们的分析能力增加了一个新的框架,并肯定了趋同作为研究宗教变化的一种生成方法的价值。为了搭建一个知识舞台,肯德尔·马奇曼(Kendall Marchman)的引言挑战了在宗教变化研究中,特别是在基督教人类学研究中,断裂修复模型的主导地位。虽然承认它们的效用,特别是在宗教变化显得创伤性或戏剧性的情况下,马奇曼批评了它们的局限性,包括过分强调单一事件或特定的演员。相比之下,收敛强调了塑造转换的代理、时间层和过程的多样性。借鉴亨利·詹金斯(Henry Jenkins)的融合文化概念(乔纳森·约翰逊(Jonathan Johnson)也在他的文章中使用了这一概念),马奇曼展示了宗教变化如何像媒体变化一样,从生产者和消费者、文本和实践、教义和经验的相互作用中产生。宗教不是简单地从上面形成的;相反,个人在互动和接受的空间中共同创造它。加文·弗拉德(Gavin Flood)关于中世纪克什米尔密宗宗教和社会变革的文章提供了一个引人注目的案例研究。洪水抵制密宗的特征,无论是激进的破裂或深奥的离群,而不是呈现它作为一个产品的分层创新。利用亚历克西斯·桑德森的“Śaiva时代”和世界体系理论,弗拉德展示了密宗文本和仪式是如何从社会边缘群体中涌现出来的,但却迅速被寻求新形式的神圣权威的政治精英所采用。Kendall Marchman的文章将融合框架扩展到中世纪的中国佛教,在那里他探讨了末世论、实践和信仰的变化如何在净土佛教的发展中融合在一起。马奇曼确定了四个关键的融合领域:相信Sukhāvatī是重生的目的地,佛法衰落的感觉,念佛的实践,以及对死亡的焦虑。这些潮流交汇在一起,产生了一种“环境焦虑”,塑造了净土修炼者的生活体验。通过道卓、山道和法照等人物,马奇曼展示了新的神学关注如何与社会政治现实和仪式需求融合在一起。他对临终实践和mofa修辞的分析表明,融合不仅会产生教义上的转变,还会产生深刻的情感和存在主义的重新调整。净土修行不仅仅是教义上的创新;这是对精神失败恐惧的治疗反应。何伟忠的文章将焦点转移到现代泰国,并将说唱音乐作为一种宗教表达和外展工具。利用布迪厄的资本理论,何鸿燊追溯了精神资本和文化资本如何在新的信仰表达中汇合。这是运动中的融合,青年文化、全球化和宗教传统在创新的音乐形式中交叉。何对泰国佛教说唱音乐的探索挑战了神圣与世俗之间简单的二元对立。相反,她展示了传统的宗教价值观是如何在新的审美范围内重新表达出来的。音乐成为代际认同、宗教权威和数字媒体融合的一种融合形式。乔纳森·约翰逊(Jonathan Johnson)的贡献是通过在亚洲背景下探索基督教迷因作为融合场所,将对话带入数字时代。约翰逊将20世纪早期的中国基督教海报与当代网络表情包并列,展示了宗教意义是如何通过视觉文化进行调解和重塑的。借鉴瓦尔特·本雅明(Walter Benjamin)对机械复制的分析,他揭示了迷因是如何破坏宗教意象的稳定,同时又使其重新焕发活力的。约翰逊认为,表情包是传统与创新、讽刺与真诚的结合体。它们是神学创造力和批判的载体,经常在重新设计熟悉的符号时吸引新的受众。他对美学和以接受为中心的分析的呼吁,为研究数字背景下的宗教开辟了新的方法论视野。 综上所述,这些文章揭示了关于收敛框架的三个关键含义。首先,融合承认宗教变革很少是由单个人物、事件或机构推动的。相反,它是从多个代理、文本、实践者、政治行动者、仪式专家和技术的相互作用中产生的,所有这些都塑造了他们所处的传统和环境,并被它们所塑造。其次,通过强调宗教形式通常是如何通过渐进、累积的分层而变化的,趋同提供了一种替代破裂和修复的方法。即使一个特定的文本或实践看起来新颖,它往往是长期积累、重新解释和被遗忘的先例的产物。第三,它承认变革是不可避免的、多向的,而且往往是混乱的。总而言之,本期的文章邀请学者们将融合作为理解宗教变化的框架。趋同是指走到一起,但不一定是联合起来。它是在差异和亲和力的动态相互作用中相遇,接触,交叉路径。本期提出的案例研究表明,宗教传统不是教义的静态容器,而是由仪式和文本、媒介和记忆、权威和即兴组成的鲜活、流动的组合。聚合指的是这些元素聚合、变异和更新的过程。如果说断裂告诉我们什么时候东西坏了,修复告诉我们它们是如何修复的,那么融合告诉我们宗教是如何生存的:在相遇、翻译和再创造的纠结空间里。它告诉我们,研究宗教就是研究运动,运动并不总是可见的或戏剧性的,但总是在发生。通过趋同,我们看到变化不是宗教生活中的异常现象,而是它的条件。最终,通过加入融合框架,我们希望学者们找到另一种方式来导航、解释和尊重宗教变化的复杂潮流。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
EPILOGUE: Currents of convergence—Religious change in Asian contexts

The framework emphasised in this special issue is convergence, a theoretical lens that challenges the dichotomous thinking embedded in the paradigms of rupture and repair. Across the case studies presented, from tantric Śaivism in medieval Kashmir to religious meme culture in the age of digital media, convergence emerges as a helpful framework for considering religious change. As mentioned in Kendall Marchman's introduction to this special issue, the convergence framework recognises that religious change is ‘rarely unilateral but is the result of many different actors and processes colliding and aligning in ways that produce marked differences’. The articles in this issue, each in its own way, powerfully illustrate this process. Taken together, they show portraits of how religions change, not by rupture alone, nor by repair alone, but through crosscurrents of influence and adaptation. This experience adds a new framework to our analytical repertoire and affirms the value of convergence as a generative approach to studying religious change.

To set the intellectual stage, Kendall Marchman's introduction challenges the dominance of rupture–repair models in the study of religious change, particularly within anthropological studies of Christianity. While acknowledging their utility, especially in cases where religious change appears traumatic or dramatic, Marchman critiques their limitations, including an overemphasis on singular events or specific actors. In contrast, convergence foregrounds the multiplicity of agents, temporal layers, and processes that shape transformation. Drawing on Henry Jenkins' notion of convergence culture, also used by Jonathan Johnson in his article, Marchman shows how religious change, like media change, emerges from the interplay of producers and consumers, texts and practices, doctrines and experiences. Religion is not simply shaped from above; instead, individuals co-create it in spaces of interaction and reception.

Gavin Flood's article on tantric religion and social change in medieval Kashmir provides a compelling case study of convergence at work. Flood resists characterisations of tantra as either radical rupture or esoteric outlier, instead presenting it as a product of layered innovation. Drawing on Alexis Sanderson's idea of the ‘Śaiva Age’ and world-systems theory, Flood shows how tantric texts and rituals emerged from socially marginal groups but were rapidly adopted by political elites seeking new forms of sacred authority.

Kendall Marchman's article extends the convergence framework into medieval Chinese Buddhism, where he explores how changes in eschatology, practice, and belief coalesced in the development of Pure Land Buddhism. Marchman identifies four key areas of convergence: belief in Sukhāvatī as a rebirth destination, the sense of decline in the Dharma, the practice of nianfo, and the anxiety surrounding death. These currents meet to generate an ‘ambient anxiety’ that shaped the lived experience of Pure Land practitioners. Through figures like Daochuo, Shandao, and Fazhao, Marchman shows how new theological concerns converge with socio-political realities and ritual needs. His analysis of deathbed practices and mofa rhetoric illustrates how convergence produces not only doctrinal shifts but deep emotional and existential realignments. Pure Land practice was not just a doctrinal innovation; it was a therapeutic response to the fear of spiritual failure.

Wai-Chung Ho's article shifts the focus to modern Thailand and the incorporation of rap music as a religious expression and outreach tool. Drawing on Bourdieu's theories of capital, Ho traces how spiritual and cultural capital converge in new expressions of faith. This is convergence in motion, where youth culture, globalisation, and religious tradition intersect in innovative musical forms. Ho's exploration of Thai Buddhist rap challenges simplistic binaries between the sacred and the secular. Instead, she shows how traditional religious values are re-articulated in new aesthetic registers. Music becomes a form of convergence where generational identity, religious authority, and digital media merge.

Jonathan Johnson's contribution brings the conversation into the digital age by exploring Christian memes in an Asian context as sites of convergence. Juxtaposing early 20th century Chinese Christian posters with contemporary internet memes, Johnson demonstrates how religious meaning is mediated and remade through visual culture. Drawing on Walter Benjamin's analysis of mechanical reproduction, he reveals how memes destabilise yet revitalise religious imagery. Memes, Johnson argues, sit at the nexus of tradition and innovation, satire and sincerity. They are vehicles for theological creativity and critique, often engaging new audiences while reworking familiar symbols. His call for aesthetic and reception-focused analysis opens new methodological horizons for studying religion in digital contexts.

Taken together, these articles reveal three key implications about the convergence framework. First, convergence acknowledges that religious change is rarely driven by a single figure, event, or institution. Instead, it emerges from the interaction of multiple agents, texts, practitioners, political actors, ritual specialists, and technologies, all of which shape, and are shaped by, the traditions and contexts they inhabit. Second, convergence offers an alternative to rupture and repair by emphasising how religious forms often change through gradual, cumulative layering. Even when a particular text or practice appears novel, it is often the product of long-term accretions, reinterpretations, and forgotten precedents. Third, it recognises that change is inevitable, multidirectional, and often messy.

In sum, the articles in this issue invite scholars to embrace convergence as a framework for making sense of religious change. To converge is to come together, but not necessarily to unite. It is to meet, to touch, to cross paths in a dynamic interplay of difference and affinity. The case studies presented in this issue show that religious traditions are not static containers of doctrine but living, flowing assemblages, composed of ritual and text, media and memory, authority and improvisation. Convergence names the process by which these elements coalesce, mutate, and renew. If rupture tells us when things break, and repair tells us how they are mended, then convergence tells us how religions live: in the tangled spaces of encounter, translation, and reinvention. It tells us that to study religion is to study movement, not always visible or dramatic, but always happening. Through convergence, we see that change is not an anomaly in religious life, it is its condition. Ultimately by adding the convergence framework, we hope that scholars find another way to navigate, interpret, and honour the complex currents of religious change.

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