反对自然资源:用土著知识想象亚马逊的过去和未来

IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY
Mariana Petry Cabral
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As scientists, environmentalists, and politicians debate the reasons for these crises and strategies to mitigate their impacts, the concept of “natural resources” takes on a prominent role, describing unbalanced relationships between nature and people.</p><p>Drawing from the definition by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP <span>2009</span>, 9), “natural resources are actual or potential sources of wealth that occur in a natural state, such as timber, water, fertile land, wildlife, minerals, metals, stones, and hydrocarbons.” Naturalized as it is, this concept reinforces the division between nature and culture and its exploitative basis. It implies a hierarchical relationship in which humanity occupies a superior position and thus commands nature. Nature is a “source of wealth.”</p><p>This division has guided archaeology, a discipline that relies on our expertise to distinguish between nature and culture, as we learn to separate—for example—flaked rocks from naturally broken pieces or an anthropogenic mound from a natural feature. Our ability to discern between anthropogenic and natural processes sustains our disciplinary specificity.</p><p>Here, I intend to challenge and blur this distinction to incite our archaeological imagination to envision different possibilities of being human, of social existences, and of explanations.</p><p>I engage with the work of three Indigenous and Afrodiasporic scholars from Brazil: Ailton Krenak (<span>2023</span>), Antônio Bispo dos Santos (<span>2023</span>), and Glicéria Tupinambá (<span>2023</span>). Their work emphasizes the active, sentient, and affective character of land/earth.1 I will use it along with lessons I received from the Wajãpi Indigenous People, with whom I have worked since 2009 (Cabral <span>2015, 2022</span>).</p><p>Drawing from discussions in Indigenous ethnology in South America (De La Cadena &amp; Blaser 2018; Gomes et al. <span>2020</span>; Oliveira et al. <span>2020</span>), I use the concept of different worlds to emphasize the understanding that, beyond cultural difference, there are diverse definitions of what reality is. Anthropologists Marisol de la Cadena and Mario Blaser (<span>2018</span>) invite us to use the concept of “Pluriverse” to open space in our imagination for the existence of multiple worlds. Embracing this concept, we create room to challenge ourselves <i>to think with</i> different worlds.</p><p>Beyond recognizing differences, this choice is also a political stance, allowing other categories to exist. It reveals their boundaries and limitations as a path of dismantling and contextualizing these categories. It emphasizes that, beyond differences, there are also divergences among worlds.</p><p>I argue that the category “natural resource” hinders our ability to envision an existence (past, present, or future) for the Amazon where Indigenous populations and other forest peoples can thrive in fullness, not just as surviving bodies but as bodies of resilient knowledge. They are the stewards of the Amazon's long-term history, a highly connected history of the relationships among humans and an extensive array of other beings (Van Velthem <span>2003</span>; Esbell <span>2018</span>; Oliveira et al. <span>2020</span>), including those that would not be seen as living beings from Western settings, such as land/earth.</p><p>The scholars mentioned earlier call our attention to this point. Ailton Krenak (<span>2023</span>, 238), a prominent Indigenous scholar, states, “We don't have to ‘take care’ of the land, we have to respect this living organism that is the earth.” Quilombola leader Bispo dos Santos (<span>2023</span>) explains, “There is an understanding among us that the land is alive, and that if it can produce, it should also rest.” Indigenous artist Glicéria Tupinambá (<span>2023</span>) reports that “the earth dreams. The river sleeps.”</p><p>They assert that land/earth is a living organism that dreams and needs rest. These statements can be seen as poetic metaphors, expressing ideas that mainstream concepts struggle to capture. However, appreciating the poetic beauty of their statements could inform the recognized authority of science, as Brazilian archaeologist Lara de Paula Passos (<span>2019</span>) has suggested. She challenges the conventional view that poetry is unscientific, arguing that it can be a powerful tool for transforming how we understand and communicate scientific knowledge (Passos <span>2021</span>). In this sense, the poetic expressions of Krenak, Bispo dos Santos, and Glicéria Tupinambá should not be dismissed as mere literary exercises but rather as vital contributions that reshape scientific discourse, expanding its boundaries to include diverse, often marginalized ways of knowing.</p><p>What happens if we take their assertions about land and earth seriously2—not as poetry, metaphors, or myths, but as expressions of alternate worlds and different regimes of existence (Almeida <span>2013</span>)?</p><p>I have been engaged in this effort since I first began working with the Wajãpi Indigenous people in Amapá in the Amazon region of Brazil. The archaeology project in Wajãpi Indigenous Land, developed with the Wajãpi, has offered many opportunities to put into practice knowledge aligned with Krenak, Bispo, and Tupinambá. This knowledge not only diverges from our conventional concepts of archaeology but also exposes different worlds.</p><p>With the Wajãpi, I learned that stone axe blades and ceramic shards snore beneath the earth, which is a perfectly acceptable way to find these artifacts (Cabral <span>2017</span>). One can also learn the path to ancient places through dreams and conversations with nonhuman beings (Cabral <span>2015</span>).</p><p>Once, while navigating a medium-sized river in Wajãpi Land, I saw traces of a small landslide on the riverbank (Figure 1). The landslide tore down trees and deposited sediments into the river. When I asked the knowledge keeper Ajareãty Wajãpi why the landslide happened, she promptly responded that it was due to deforestation by non-Indigenous Brazilians more than 30 miles away from the border of the Indigenous land. The forest felt it and got angry, throwing the earth and trees into the river as revenge.</p><p>Ajareãty also explained that Brazilians do not know how to live with the forest. They (we!) take everything they can, hunt all the animals, and only know how to extract. As Bispo warned, they do not let the land rest. She then gave me the example of <i>cipó-titica</i> (<i>Heteropsis flexuosa</i>), a vine widely used in the Amazon and valued for craft making.</p><p>This vine grows on large trees. Indeed, for the Wajãpi, trees adorn themselves with the “cipó-titica,” which are trees’ necklaces (Figure 2). Necklaces are important adornments for Wajãpi people, used for embellishment, an essential characteristic of social beings.</p><p>Following Viveiros de Castro (<span>1998</span>) and Stolze Lima (<span>1996</span>), who summarized Amerindian Perspectivism, the Wajãpi acknowledge a shared personhood among diverse social beings. For example, in origin stories, animals and humans were once indistinguishable—they were all people. According to these narratives, different beings transformed into the bodies we recognize today, but this transformation is not limited to the distant past. On one occasion, an elder named Kasiripinã Wajãpi explained to me that all animals wear clothes that make them appear as they do. He pointed to a tiny hummingbird and said: “You see, they look small, but it is only because of their clothes; if they take them off, they will look just like us.” For the Wajãpi, animals and other beings, such as the large trees where cipó-titica grows, are people, even though we perceive them as having different bodies.</p><p>When Ajareãty explained the landslide at the riverside to me, she drew from the Wajãpi knowledge system. The white Brazilians living at the Wajãpi Land border extracted cipó-titica in large quantities, leaving the trees stripped of their vines. The trees felt dispossessed, unable to adorn themselves, and in their anger, they sought revenge. A landslide is a sign of these unbalanced relationships.</p><p>Maintaining harmonious relationships among social beings is a key political asset. For the Wajãpi, as with many Indigenous peoples in the Amazon, this social network extends far beyond humans, encompassing a much broader community of beings. I engage with Isabelle Stengers's (<span>2018</span>) “cosmopolitical proposal” to emphasize that Wajãpi's relations with their surroundings do not conform to human-nature binaries. As Stengers (446) proposes, the concept “cosmos” is not meant to denote a “good common world;” instead, it aims “to slow down the construction of this common world, to create a space of hesitation regarding what we do when we say ‘good.’”</p><p>I engage with this space of hesitation to experiment with the Wajãpi ideas, conceptions, and understandings. That is why I challenge the notion of “natural resources.” Taking seriously their perspectives and their philosophical system has led me to work in this space of hesitation. I began to hesitate in using the term “natural resources” as an adequate category to name cipó-titica, the rivers, the trees, the clay, and the stones. This category erases the rich connections that the Wajãpi foster with their surroundings, silences shamans’ conversations with enchanted beings, and reduces living and social beings to mere economic assets or “sources of wealth,” as defined by UNEP (<span>2009</span>).</p><p>Words are weapons; translations are disputes. I am trying to change the words in my work to align with the people I work with. Now, when I look at archaeological collections, I cannot help but think those pieces are part of cosmopolitical interactions that have been ongoing for thousands of years. They, too, are alive. As floods and droughts affect our daily lives, perhaps we should listen more carefully to what the land/earth can teach us. As stewards of this knowledge, Indigenous peoples are central to guiding archaeologists into imagining different pasts and futures of the Amazon.</p>","PeriodicalId":7697,"journal":{"name":"American Anthropologist","volume":"127 3","pages":"652-655"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7000,"publicationDate":"2025-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aman.70001","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon\",\"authors\":\"Mariana Petry Cabral\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/aman.70001\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>While writing these lines, heavy rains flooded my hometown, Porto Alegre, in southern Brazil, for over a month. This city became another icon of the global climatic crisis, submerged in an unprecedented tragedy that affected more than 90 percent of the municipalities in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. On the opposite side of the country, the Amazon is experiencing the worst drought ever recorded. As scientists, environmentalists, and politicians debate the reasons for these crises and strategies to mitigate their impacts, the concept of “natural resources” takes on a prominent role, describing unbalanced relationships between nature and people.</p><p>Drawing from the definition by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP <span>2009</span>, 9), “natural resources are actual or potential sources of wealth that occur in a natural state, such as timber, water, fertile land, wildlife, minerals, metals, stones, and hydrocarbons.” Naturalized as it is, this concept reinforces the division between nature and culture and its exploitative basis. It implies a hierarchical relationship in which humanity occupies a superior position and thus commands nature. Nature is a “source of wealth.”</p><p>This division has guided archaeology, a discipline that relies on our expertise to distinguish between nature and culture, as we learn to separate—for example—flaked rocks from naturally broken pieces or an anthropogenic mound from a natural feature. Our ability to discern between anthropogenic and natural processes sustains our disciplinary specificity.</p><p>Here, I intend to challenge and blur this distinction to incite our archaeological imagination to envision different possibilities of being human, of social existences, and of explanations.</p><p>I engage with the work of three Indigenous and Afrodiasporic scholars from Brazil: Ailton Krenak (<span>2023</span>), Antônio Bispo dos Santos (<span>2023</span>), and Glicéria Tupinambá (<span>2023</span>). Their work emphasizes the active, sentient, and affective character of land/earth.1 I will use it along with lessons I received from the Wajãpi Indigenous People, with whom I have worked since 2009 (Cabral <span>2015, 2022</span>).</p><p>Drawing from discussions in Indigenous ethnology in South America (De La Cadena &amp; Blaser 2018; Gomes et al. <span>2020</span>; Oliveira et al. <span>2020</span>), I use the concept of different worlds to emphasize the understanding that, beyond cultural difference, there are diverse definitions of what reality is. Anthropologists Marisol de la Cadena and Mario Blaser (<span>2018</span>) invite us to use the concept of “Pluriverse” to open space in our imagination for the existence of multiple worlds. Embracing this concept, we create room to challenge ourselves <i>to think with</i> different worlds.</p><p>Beyond recognizing differences, this choice is also a political stance, allowing other categories to exist. It reveals their boundaries and limitations as a path of dismantling and contextualizing these categories. It emphasizes that, beyond differences, there are also divergences among worlds.</p><p>I argue that the category “natural resource” hinders our ability to envision an existence (past, present, or future) for the Amazon where Indigenous populations and other forest peoples can thrive in fullness, not just as surviving bodies but as bodies of resilient knowledge. They are the stewards of the Amazon's long-term history, a highly connected history of the relationships among humans and an extensive array of other beings (Van Velthem <span>2003</span>; Esbell <span>2018</span>; Oliveira et al. <span>2020</span>), including those that would not be seen as living beings from Western settings, such as land/earth.</p><p>The scholars mentioned earlier call our attention to this point. Ailton Krenak (<span>2023</span>, 238), a prominent Indigenous scholar, states, “We don't have to ‘take care’ of the land, we have to respect this living organism that is the earth.” Quilombola leader Bispo dos Santos (<span>2023</span>) explains, “There is an understanding among us that the land is alive, and that if it can produce, it should also rest.” Indigenous artist Glicéria Tupinambá (<span>2023</span>) reports that “the earth dreams. The river sleeps.”</p><p>They assert that land/earth is a living organism that dreams and needs rest. These statements can be seen as poetic metaphors, expressing ideas that mainstream concepts struggle to capture. However, appreciating the poetic beauty of their statements could inform the recognized authority of science, as Brazilian archaeologist Lara de Paula Passos (<span>2019</span>) has suggested. She challenges the conventional view that poetry is unscientific, arguing that it can be a powerful tool for transforming how we understand and communicate scientific knowledge (Passos <span>2021</span>). In this sense, the poetic expressions of Krenak, Bispo dos Santos, and Glicéria Tupinambá should not be dismissed as mere literary exercises but rather as vital contributions that reshape scientific discourse, expanding its boundaries to include diverse, often marginalized ways of knowing.</p><p>What happens if we take their assertions about land and earth seriously2—not as poetry, metaphors, or myths, but as expressions of alternate worlds and different regimes of existence (Almeida <span>2013</span>)?</p><p>I have been engaged in this effort since I first began working with the Wajãpi Indigenous people in Amapá in the Amazon region of Brazil. The archaeology project in Wajãpi Indigenous Land, developed with the Wajãpi, has offered many opportunities to put into practice knowledge aligned with Krenak, Bispo, and Tupinambá. This knowledge not only diverges from our conventional concepts of archaeology but also exposes different worlds.</p><p>With the Wajãpi, I learned that stone axe blades and ceramic shards snore beneath the earth, which is a perfectly acceptable way to find these artifacts (Cabral <span>2017</span>). One can also learn the path to ancient places through dreams and conversations with nonhuman beings (Cabral <span>2015</span>).</p><p>Once, while navigating a medium-sized river in Wajãpi Land, I saw traces of a small landslide on the riverbank (Figure 1). The landslide tore down trees and deposited sediments into the river. When I asked the knowledge keeper Ajareãty Wajãpi why the landslide happened, she promptly responded that it was due to deforestation by non-Indigenous Brazilians more than 30 miles away from the border of the Indigenous land. The forest felt it and got angry, throwing the earth and trees into the river as revenge.</p><p>Ajareãty also explained that Brazilians do not know how to live with the forest. They (we!) take everything they can, hunt all the animals, and only know how to extract. As Bispo warned, they do not let the land rest. She then gave me the example of <i>cipó-titica</i> (<i>Heteropsis flexuosa</i>), a vine widely used in the Amazon and valued for craft making.</p><p>This vine grows on large trees. Indeed, for the Wajãpi, trees adorn themselves with the “cipó-titica,” which are trees’ necklaces (Figure 2). Necklaces are important adornments for Wajãpi people, used for embellishment, an essential characteristic of social beings.</p><p>Following Viveiros de Castro (<span>1998</span>) and Stolze Lima (<span>1996</span>), who summarized Amerindian Perspectivism, the Wajãpi acknowledge a shared personhood among diverse social beings. For example, in origin stories, animals and humans were once indistinguishable—they were all people. According to these narratives, different beings transformed into the bodies we recognize today, but this transformation is not limited to the distant past. On one occasion, an elder named Kasiripinã Wajãpi explained to me that all animals wear clothes that make them appear as they do. He pointed to a tiny hummingbird and said: “You see, they look small, but it is only because of their clothes; if they take them off, they will look just like us.” For the Wajãpi, animals and other beings, such as the large trees where cipó-titica grows, are people, even though we perceive them as having different bodies.</p><p>When Ajareãty explained the landslide at the riverside to me, she drew from the Wajãpi knowledge system. The white Brazilians living at the Wajãpi Land border extracted cipó-titica in large quantities, leaving the trees stripped of their vines. The trees felt dispossessed, unable to adorn themselves, and in their anger, they sought revenge. A landslide is a sign of these unbalanced relationships.</p><p>Maintaining harmonious relationships among social beings is a key political asset. For the Wajãpi, as with many Indigenous peoples in the Amazon, this social network extends far beyond humans, encompassing a much broader community of beings. I engage with Isabelle Stengers's (<span>2018</span>) “cosmopolitical proposal” to emphasize that Wajãpi's relations with their surroundings do not conform to human-nature binaries. As Stengers (446) proposes, the concept “cosmos” is not meant to denote a “good common world;” instead, it aims “to slow down the construction of this common world, to create a space of hesitation regarding what we do when we say ‘good.’”</p><p>I engage with this space of hesitation to experiment with the Wajãpi ideas, conceptions, and understandings. That is why I challenge the notion of “natural resources.” Taking seriously their perspectives and their philosophical system has led me to work in this space of hesitation. I began to hesitate in using the term “natural resources” as an adequate category to name cipó-titica, the rivers, the trees, the clay, and the stones. This category erases the rich connections that the Wajãpi foster with their surroundings, silences shamans’ conversations with enchanted beings, and reduces living and social beings to mere economic assets or “sources of wealth,” as defined by UNEP (<span>2009</span>).</p><p>Words are weapons; translations are disputes. I am trying to change the words in my work to align with the people I work with. Now, when I look at archaeological collections, I cannot help but think those pieces are part of cosmopolitical interactions that have been ongoing for thousands of years. They, too, are alive. As floods and droughts affect our daily lives, perhaps we should listen more carefully to what the land/earth can teach us. As stewards of this knowledge, Indigenous peoples are central to guiding archaeologists into imagining different pasts and futures of the Amazon.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":7697,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"American Anthropologist\",\"volume\":\"127 3\",\"pages\":\"652-655\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.7000,\"publicationDate\":\"2025-07-20\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aman.70001\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"American Anthropologist\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aman.70001\",\"RegionNum\":1,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"ANTHROPOLOGY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"American Anthropologist","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aman.70001","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"ANTHROPOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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摘要

就在我写这些文字的时候,大雨淹没了我的家乡——巴西南部的阿雷格里港,持续了一个多月。这座城市成为全球气候危机的另一个标志,淹没在一场前所未有的悲剧中,这场悲剧影响了南巴西格兰德州90%以上的城市。在这个国家的另一边,亚马逊正在经历有史以来最严重的干旱。当科学家、环保主义者和政治家们争论这些危机的原因和减轻其影响的策略时,“自然资源”的概念扮演了一个突出的角色,描述了自然与人之间不平衡的关系。根据联合国环境规划署的定义(UNEP 2009, 9),“自然资源是在自然状态下发生的实际或潜在的财富来源,如木材、水、肥沃的土地、野生动物、矿物、金属、石头和碳氢化合物。”虽然自然化了,但这一概念强化了自然与文化之间的分裂及其剥削基础。它暗示了一种等级关系,在这种关系中,人类占据着优越的地位,从而控制着自然。自然是“财富之源”。这种划分指导了考古学,这是一门依靠我们的专业知识来区分自然和文化的学科,例如,我们学会了将剥落的岩石从自然破碎的碎片中分离出来,或将人为的土堆从自然特征中分离出来。我们区分人为过程和自然过程的能力维持了我们学科的特殊性。在这里,我打算挑战和模糊这种区别,以激发我们的考古想象力,想象人类、社会存在和解释的不同可能性。我参与了三位来自巴西的土著和非洲移民学者的工作:Ailton Krenak (2023), Antônio Bispo dos Santos(2023)和glicsamria tupinamb<e:1>(2023)。他们的作品强调土地的活跃、感性和情感特征我将使用它以及我从2009年起与我一起工作的waj<e:1>皮土著人民那里得到的经验教训(Cabral 2015, 2022)。根据南美土著民族学的讨论(De La Cadena & Blaser 2018; Gomes et al. 2020; Oliveira et al. 2020),我使用不同世界的概念来强调这样一种理解,即除了文化差异之外,现实是什么还有不同的定义。人类学家Marisol de la Cadena和Mario Blaser(2018)邀请我们使用“多元宇宙”的概念,在我们的想象中为多个世界的存在打开空间。拥抱这一概念,我们创造了挑战自我的空间,以不同的世界思考。除了承认差异之外,这种选择也是一种政治立场,允许其他类别存在。它揭示了它们的边界和局限性,作为拆除和语境化这些类别的路径。它强调,世界之间除了差异之外,也存在分歧。我认为,“自然资源”这一类别阻碍了我们设想亚马逊地区存在(过去、现在或未来)的能力,在那里,土著居民和其他森林居民不仅可以作为生存体,而且可以作为具有弹性知识的体而茁壮成长。他们是亚马逊长期历史的管家,这是人类与其他生物之间高度关联的关系历史(Van Velthem 2003; Esbell 2018; Oliveira et al. 2020),包括那些在西方环境中不被视为生物的生物,如土地/地球。前面提到的学者提醒我们注意这一点。一位著名的土著学者Ailton Krenak(2023,238)指出:“我们不必‘照顾’土地,我们必须尊重地球这个有生命的有机体。”Quilombola的领导人Bispo dos Santos(2023)解释说:“我们之间有一种共识,那就是土地是有生命的,如果它能生产,它也应该休息。”土著艺术家格里克·萨里亚·图皮纳姆·巴<e:1>(2023年)报告说:“地球在做梦。这条河睡着了。”他们断言土地/地球是一个有生命的有机体,有梦想,需要休息。这些陈述可以被视为诗意的隐喻,表达了主流概念难以捕捉的想法。然而,正如巴西考古学家Lara de Paula Passos(2019)所建议的那样,欣赏他们陈述的诗意之美可以为公认的科学权威提供信息。她挑战了诗歌不科学的传统观点,认为诗歌可以成为改变我们理解和交流科学知识的强大工具(Passos 2021)。从这个意义上说,克雷纳克、比斯波·多斯桑托斯和格里克·塔皮南巴<e:1>的诗歌表达不应该仅仅被视为文学练习而被忽视,而应该被视为重塑科学话语的重要贡献,扩大科学话语的边界,包括多样化的、经常被边缘化的认识方式。 如果我们认真对待他们关于土地和地球的主张——不是作为诗歌、隐喻或神话,而是作为另一个世界和不同存在体制的表达,会发生什么?自从我开始在巴西亚马逊地区的阿玛帕<e:1>与瓦伊<s:1>皮土著人民一起工作以来,我就一直从事这项工作。在waj<e:1>皮土著土地上开展的考古项目与waj<e:1>皮人一起发展,为将与Krenak、Bispo和tupinamb<e:1>相关的知识付诸实践提供了许多机会。这些知识不仅偏离了我们传统的考古学概念,而且揭示了不同的世界。通过waj<e:1> pi,我了解到石斧刀片和陶瓷碎片在地下打鼾,这是找到这些文物的完全可以接受的方式(Cabral 2017)。人们也可以通过梦境和与非人类的对话来学习通往古老地方的道路(Cabral 2015)。有一次,在waj<e:1>皮地的一条中型河流上航行时,我看到了河岸上一个小滑坡的痕迹(图1)。山体滑坡冲垮了树木,并将沉积物冲入河中。当我问知识管理员ajare<s:1> ty waj<e:1> pi为什么会发生滑坡时,她立即回答说,这是由于非土著巴西人在距离土著土地边界30多英里的地方砍伐森林造成的。森林感到愤怒,把泥土和树木扔进河里作为报复。ajare<e:1> ty还解释说,巴西人不知道如何与森林共存。他们(我们!)拿走他们能拿走的一切,猎杀所有的动物,只知道如何提取。正如比斯波警告的那样,他们不会让土地休息。然后她给我举了cipó-titica (Heteropsis flexuosa)的例子,这是一种在亚马逊广泛使用的藤蔓,用于制作工艺品。这种藤蔓生长在大树上。事实上,对于waj<e:1>派来说,树木用“cipó-titica”来装饰自己,这是树木的项链(图2)。项链是瓦吉<e:1>皮人的重要装饰品,用于装饰,是社会存在的基本特征。继Viveiros de Castro(1998)和Stolze Lima(1996)总结了美洲印第安人的透视主义之后,waj<e:1>皮人承认不同社会存在的共同人格。例如,在起源故事中,动物和人类曾经是无法区分的——他们都是人。根据这些叙述,不同的生物转变成我们今天所认识的身体,但这种转变并不局限于遥远的过去。有一次,一位名叫Kasiripinã waj<e:1> pi的老人向我解释说,所有的动物都穿着让它们看起来像它们的衣服。他指着一只小蜂鸟说:“你看,它们看起来很小,但那只是因为它们的衣服;如果他们脱了,他们看起来就和我们一样了。”对于waj<e:1>皮人来说,动物和其他生物,比如cipó-titica生长的大树,都是人,尽管我们认为他们有不同的身体。当ajare<e:1>向我解释河边的滑坡时,她借鉴了waj<e:1>皮的知识体系。居住在waj<e:1>皮陆地边界的巴西白人大量采收cipó-titica,导致树木的藤蔓被剥光。树木感到被剥夺了,无法装饰自己,在愤怒中,它们寻求报复。山体滑坡是这些不平衡关系的标志。维持和谐的社会关系是一项重要的政治资产。对于waj<e:1>皮人来说,就像亚马逊的许多土著民族一样,这个社会网络远远超出了人类的范围,包含了一个更广泛的生物社区。我引用伊莎贝尔·斯坦厄斯(2018)的“世界政治建议”,强调瓦伊<e:1>皮人与周围环境的关系不符合人与自然的二元对立。正如Stengers(446)所提出的,“宇宙”这个概念并不是指一个“美好的共同世界”;相反,它的目的是“减缓这个共同世界的建设,在我们说‘好’的时候创造一个犹豫的空间。”’”我在这个犹豫的空间里尝试waj<e:1>派的想法、概念和理解。这就是我质疑“自然资源”概念的原因。认真对待他们的观点和他们的哲学体系,让我在这个犹豫的空间里工作。我开始犹豫是否要用“自然资源”这个词来命名cipó-titica、河流、树木、粘土和石头。这一分类抹去了waj<e:1>皮人与周围环境建立的丰富联系,使萨满巫师与被施了魔法的人的对话变得沉默,并将生命和社会人物贬低为纯粹的经济资产或UNEP(2009)所定义的“财富来源”。语言是武器;翻译是争议。我正在努力改变我工作中的用词,以与我的同事保持一致。现在,当我看到考古收藏品时,我不禁认为这些作品是世界政治互动的一部分,这种互动已经持续了数千年。他们也还活着。 当洪水和干旱影响我们的日常生活时,也许我们应该更仔细地倾听土地/地球能教给我们什么。作为这些知识的管理者,土著居民在引导考古学家想象亚马逊不同的过去和未来方面发挥着核心作用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。

Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon

Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon

Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon

Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon

Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon

Against Natural Resources: Engaging With Indigenous Knowledge to Imagine the Past and the Future of the Amazon

While writing these lines, heavy rains flooded my hometown, Porto Alegre, in southern Brazil, for over a month. This city became another icon of the global climatic crisis, submerged in an unprecedented tragedy that affected more than 90 percent of the municipalities in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. On the opposite side of the country, the Amazon is experiencing the worst drought ever recorded. As scientists, environmentalists, and politicians debate the reasons for these crises and strategies to mitigate their impacts, the concept of “natural resources” takes on a prominent role, describing unbalanced relationships between nature and people.

Drawing from the definition by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP 2009, 9), “natural resources are actual or potential sources of wealth that occur in a natural state, such as timber, water, fertile land, wildlife, minerals, metals, stones, and hydrocarbons.” Naturalized as it is, this concept reinforces the division between nature and culture and its exploitative basis. It implies a hierarchical relationship in which humanity occupies a superior position and thus commands nature. Nature is a “source of wealth.”

This division has guided archaeology, a discipline that relies on our expertise to distinguish between nature and culture, as we learn to separate—for example—flaked rocks from naturally broken pieces or an anthropogenic mound from a natural feature. Our ability to discern between anthropogenic and natural processes sustains our disciplinary specificity.

Here, I intend to challenge and blur this distinction to incite our archaeological imagination to envision different possibilities of being human, of social existences, and of explanations.

I engage with the work of three Indigenous and Afrodiasporic scholars from Brazil: Ailton Krenak (2023), Antônio Bispo dos Santos (2023), and Glicéria Tupinambá (2023). Their work emphasizes the active, sentient, and affective character of land/earth.1 I will use it along with lessons I received from the Wajãpi Indigenous People, with whom I have worked since 2009 (Cabral 2015, 2022).

Drawing from discussions in Indigenous ethnology in South America (De La Cadena & Blaser 2018; Gomes et al. 2020; Oliveira et al. 2020), I use the concept of different worlds to emphasize the understanding that, beyond cultural difference, there are diverse definitions of what reality is. Anthropologists Marisol de la Cadena and Mario Blaser (2018) invite us to use the concept of “Pluriverse” to open space in our imagination for the existence of multiple worlds. Embracing this concept, we create room to challenge ourselves to think with different worlds.

Beyond recognizing differences, this choice is also a political stance, allowing other categories to exist. It reveals their boundaries and limitations as a path of dismantling and contextualizing these categories. It emphasizes that, beyond differences, there are also divergences among worlds.

I argue that the category “natural resource” hinders our ability to envision an existence (past, present, or future) for the Amazon where Indigenous populations and other forest peoples can thrive in fullness, not just as surviving bodies but as bodies of resilient knowledge. They are the stewards of the Amazon's long-term history, a highly connected history of the relationships among humans and an extensive array of other beings (Van Velthem 2003; Esbell 2018; Oliveira et al. 2020), including those that would not be seen as living beings from Western settings, such as land/earth.

The scholars mentioned earlier call our attention to this point. Ailton Krenak (2023, 238), a prominent Indigenous scholar, states, “We don't have to ‘take care’ of the land, we have to respect this living organism that is the earth.” Quilombola leader Bispo dos Santos (2023) explains, “There is an understanding among us that the land is alive, and that if it can produce, it should also rest.” Indigenous artist Glicéria Tupinambá (2023) reports that “the earth dreams. The river sleeps.”

They assert that land/earth is a living organism that dreams and needs rest. These statements can be seen as poetic metaphors, expressing ideas that mainstream concepts struggle to capture. However, appreciating the poetic beauty of their statements could inform the recognized authority of science, as Brazilian archaeologist Lara de Paula Passos (2019) has suggested. She challenges the conventional view that poetry is unscientific, arguing that it can be a powerful tool for transforming how we understand and communicate scientific knowledge (Passos 2021). In this sense, the poetic expressions of Krenak, Bispo dos Santos, and Glicéria Tupinambá should not be dismissed as mere literary exercises but rather as vital contributions that reshape scientific discourse, expanding its boundaries to include diverse, often marginalized ways of knowing.

What happens if we take their assertions about land and earth seriously2—not as poetry, metaphors, or myths, but as expressions of alternate worlds and different regimes of existence (Almeida 2013)?

I have been engaged in this effort since I first began working with the Wajãpi Indigenous people in Amapá in the Amazon region of Brazil. The archaeology project in Wajãpi Indigenous Land, developed with the Wajãpi, has offered many opportunities to put into practice knowledge aligned with Krenak, Bispo, and Tupinambá. This knowledge not only diverges from our conventional concepts of archaeology but also exposes different worlds.

With the Wajãpi, I learned that stone axe blades and ceramic shards snore beneath the earth, which is a perfectly acceptable way to find these artifacts (Cabral 2017). One can also learn the path to ancient places through dreams and conversations with nonhuman beings (Cabral 2015).

Once, while navigating a medium-sized river in Wajãpi Land, I saw traces of a small landslide on the riverbank (Figure 1). The landslide tore down trees and deposited sediments into the river. When I asked the knowledge keeper Ajareãty Wajãpi why the landslide happened, she promptly responded that it was due to deforestation by non-Indigenous Brazilians more than 30 miles away from the border of the Indigenous land. The forest felt it and got angry, throwing the earth and trees into the river as revenge.

Ajareãty also explained that Brazilians do not know how to live with the forest. They (we!) take everything they can, hunt all the animals, and only know how to extract. As Bispo warned, they do not let the land rest. She then gave me the example of cipó-titica (Heteropsis flexuosa), a vine widely used in the Amazon and valued for craft making.

This vine grows on large trees. Indeed, for the Wajãpi, trees adorn themselves with the “cipó-titica,” which are trees’ necklaces (Figure 2). Necklaces are important adornments for Wajãpi people, used for embellishment, an essential characteristic of social beings.

Following Viveiros de Castro (1998) and Stolze Lima (1996), who summarized Amerindian Perspectivism, the Wajãpi acknowledge a shared personhood among diverse social beings. For example, in origin stories, animals and humans were once indistinguishable—they were all people. According to these narratives, different beings transformed into the bodies we recognize today, but this transformation is not limited to the distant past. On one occasion, an elder named Kasiripinã Wajãpi explained to me that all animals wear clothes that make them appear as they do. He pointed to a tiny hummingbird and said: “You see, they look small, but it is only because of their clothes; if they take them off, they will look just like us.” For the Wajãpi, animals and other beings, such as the large trees where cipó-titica grows, are people, even though we perceive them as having different bodies.

When Ajareãty explained the landslide at the riverside to me, she drew from the Wajãpi knowledge system. The white Brazilians living at the Wajãpi Land border extracted cipó-titica in large quantities, leaving the trees stripped of their vines. The trees felt dispossessed, unable to adorn themselves, and in their anger, they sought revenge. A landslide is a sign of these unbalanced relationships.

Maintaining harmonious relationships among social beings is a key political asset. For the Wajãpi, as with many Indigenous peoples in the Amazon, this social network extends far beyond humans, encompassing a much broader community of beings. I engage with Isabelle Stengers's (2018) “cosmopolitical proposal” to emphasize that Wajãpi's relations with their surroundings do not conform to human-nature binaries. As Stengers (446) proposes, the concept “cosmos” is not meant to denote a “good common world;” instead, it aims “to slow down the construction of this common world, to create a space of hesitation regarding what we do when we say ‘good.’”

I engage with this space of hesitation to experiment with the Wajãpi ideas, conceptions, and understandings. That is why I challenge the notion of “natural resources.” Taking seriously their perspectives and their philosophical system has led me to work in this space of hesitation. I began to hesitate in using the term “natural resources” as an adequate category to name cipó-titica, the rivers, the trees, the clay, and the stones. This category erases the rich connections that the Wajãpi foster with their surroundings, silences shamans’ conversations with enchanted beings, and reduces living and social beings to mere economic assets or “sources of wealth,” as defined by UNEP (2009).

Words are weapons; translations are disputes. I am trying to change the words in my work to align with the people I work with. Now, when I look at archaeological collections, I cannot help but think those pieces are part of cosmopolitical interactions that have been ongoing for thousands of years. They, too, are alive. As floods and droughts affect our daily lives, perhaps we should listen more carefully to what the land/earth can teach us. As stewards of this knowledge, Indigenous peoples are central to guiding archaeologists into imagining different pasts and futures of the Amazon.

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来源期刊
American Anthropologist
American Anthropologist ANTHROPOLOGY-
CiteScore
4.30
自引率
11.40%
发文量
114
期刊介绍: American Anthropologist is the flagship journal of the American Anthropological Association, reaching well over 12,000 readers with each issue. The journal advances the Association mission through publishing articles that add to, integrate, synthesize, and interpret anthropological knowledge; commentaries and essays on issues of importance to the discipline; and reviews of books, films, sound recordings and exhibits.
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