2023年期刊文献回顾:(iii) 1500-1700

IF 1.4 1区 历史学 Q3 ECONOMICS
Charmian Mansell
{"title":"2023年期刊文献回顾:(iii) 1500-1700","authors":"Charmian Mansell","doi":"10.1111/ehr.13402","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>The year 2023 saw many publications in the fields of early modern economic and social history. The articles discussed in this round-up cover topics which have been a mainstay over recent years, including histories of labour (especially women's work), colonialism, and slavery. Agrarian history has lately gained renewed attention, and once again featured in this year's scholarship. A notable cluster of articles focused on what petitions – of which large collections survive – can tell us about the early modern economy, society, and the state. The gender split of authors was roughly equal this year, a testament to the rich and diverse topics that this year's articles cover.</p><p>Labour history was the focus of several articles. The hiring of over 1000 unskilled workers for the rebuilding of St Paul's Cathedral in London between 1672 and 1748 is the subject of an article by <span>Paker, Stephenson, and Wallis</span>. Applying econometric analysis to records of labourers hired, the authors find that hiring practices ‘encouraged retention and reduced turnover, giving a core group of laborers more work, priority in rehiring after slowdowns, and access to additional ways to earn.’ (p. 1101). Over time, the share of ‘new’ workers (i.e. those who had not previously worked on St Paul's) fell (p. 1110). Casual, transient work was not the pattern of hiring here at St Paul's; rather, the length of time a worker had been employed was rewarded with additional labour opportunities.</p><p>A synthesis of recent publications on work and identity is offered in an article by <span>Hailwood and Waddell</span>. In particular, the article draws attention to recent scholarship on the breadth of working identities that moves beyond categorizing people into ‘sorts’. The authors call for future scholarship which comparatively analyses types of sources (e.g. self-created versus indirect evidence) as well as how working identities might intersect with ‘time, place, gender, forms of labour, and race’ (p. 158). An article by <span>McVitty</span> contributes to this growing scholarship on work and identity. She exposes a pre-modern culture of sexual misconduct and gendered violence in the legal profession through close study of a range of legal records (court records, internal records of Inns of Court, and public proclamations) in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century England. While junior practitioners regularly participated in these behaviours, she argues, senior practitioners were responsible for condoning it (as well as sometimes participating) and shifting the blame to women. Although the legal community punished offenders, prosecution primarily sought to shield reputation and evade public consequences. Sexual misconduct and gendered violence contributed to the forging of tightly bound homosocial bonds that endure and persist within the legal profession today. To understand modern scandals of sexual misconduct within the common law profession, <span>McVitty</span> maintains, we must critically analyse inherited traditions.</p><p>Articles on women's work have become a strength of early modern economic and social history in recent years. This year, three articles on care work were published. In the first, <span>Shepard</span> traces care work activities of ‘working mothers’ in London from 1675–1800. Identifying incidences of ‘nurse’ (and its variants) in the <i>Proceedings of the Old Bailey Online</i>, <span>Shepard</span> finds that care work was dispersed broadly across a range of women (and sometimes men) in a variety of arrangements. Both a ‘form of pragmatic provision’ and a ‘commercial endeavour’ (p. 18), it was by no means exclusively carried out by the birth mother. In a second article, <span>Mansell</span> also uses court records as a window onto care work. Taking a microhistorical approach, she traces the end-of-life care received by a seventeenth-century unmarried man in Herefordshire. Through the articulations of care work and its value made by the litigant parties and the witnesses who testified on their behalf, she argues that the labour of care – both remunerated and unpaid, and physical and emotional – was economically valued in early modern England. A third article by <span>Fox and Brazier</span> focuses on the profession of midwifery, placing the seventeenth-century oath that midwives were required to swear under the microscope. The authors show that the oaths – a legal instrument of regulation – reveal what was important to both birthing women and to parish authorities. As officeholders themselves, midwives were ‘active participants in state formation’ (p. 248), and the authors note their crucial role in establishing what we might today see as an ethical code of midwifery.</p><p>A special issue on Scottish women's and gender history in <i>The Scottish Historical Review</i> this year contained three articles of interest to social and economic of the early modern period. The first, authored by <span>Mason</span>, focuses on women's property ownership. According to Scots law, a man could not sell property his wife brought to the marriage nor that jointly acquired during marriage without her consent. This consent was recorded by her signature on the deed and a private examination. Using a sample of approximately 1600 private examinations of seventeenth-century women in Glasgow, Inverness, and St Andrews, <span>Mason</span> questions how far the requirement of married women to consent to these sales constrained their husbands’ power over property. While we cannot know how many women were coerced into the private examination, <span>Mason</span> nonetheless argues that the procedure itself represents the legal importance placed on married women's consent in property transactions and the protection the courts offered them. Women did not hand over their consent freely, she finds. Many exchanged it for other property. Seventeenth-century married women, therefore, were not excluded from legal and economic processes. Sixteenth-century married women were the subject of an article in the same issue by <span>Beattie</span> (with <span>Spence</span>). The article explores the voluminous testamentary archive for sixteenth-century Scotland, finding that around one-third of wills were made by women. Through careful recategorization of those listed in the National Records for Scotland catalogue as ‘sometimes spouses’ from widows to married women, the authors show that wives made up the largest proportion of female testators. A sample of married women's wills shows that they rarely mentioned a husband's consent, were regularly able to bequeath their half or third portion of household goods, and that the clothing and jewellery they left could be extremely valuable. Significantly, the authors find that the women used language of community of property between husband and wife. A third article by <span>Spence</span> examines 2000 wills produced between 1560 and 1600. She argues that women who made wills were well aware of what was theirs to bequeath and that these documents should be read not just as formulaic or prescribed. Rather, they offer something of women's ‘voices’. <span>Spence</span> argues for three distinct ways in which these voices can be heard: firstly, in women naming their executors; second, in their instructions of how to care for children and stepchildren; and thirdly, through the items they left to others in the latter will and legacy sections of their testaments. Using wills from this perspective, she argues, shifts the focus away from other studies that show how women used their voices for ill to those who used their authoritative voices to advance the family position.</p><p>An article by <span>Brock</span> sheds new light on women's relationship to early modern trade and empire in Asia. The article focuses on the mercantile activities of one woman – Martha Parker – who operated as a merchant with the East India Company (EIC) in the second half of the seventeenth century. She was not alone. Over 1300 women had commercial interactions with EIC between 1600 and 1757, <span>Brock</span> shows. Women's commercial networks and practices within the EIC were key in shaping the Company's structure. Particularly upon their husband's deaths, women were agents in expanding their personal and household economies, accessing networks and using their existing knowledge of trading companies and mercantile business.</p><p>This was one of several articles this year that expanded our understanding of trade, mercantilism, and the global economy. An article by <span>Bromley</span> shifts our focus from ideas of the ‘centre city’ to the ‘centre country’ in thinking about transnational mercantile networks and global knowledge. Through a close study of trading company debates in the 1690s, the article positions mercantilism as ‘a process of interaction between private interests that stretched beyond London across England and the wider world’ (p. 748). Global knowledge, <span>Bromley</span> finds, was not limited to England's port cities, or domestic/overseas sites held by colonial administrators or Companies. Contribution to public interest, he argues, was asserted ‘by drawing links between private interests and national employment’ (p. 771) and a trade's capacity to support domestic employment. He draws attention to the importance of the middling sorts’ economic beliefs, expressed through the documents they left behind and particularly petitions (a source which we will see attracted great attention this year).</p><p>The 1604 Treaty of London and the ending of the Anglo-Spanish War was the subject of an article by <span>Gajda</span>. In this article, <span>Gajda</span> sheds light on the importance of merchants’ economic concerns scaffolded in the treaty. She points to the multi-layered and often competing interests of different mercantile groups. Some sought to recover finances lost through war, while others had directly benefited from war. Gadja closely analyses the manuscript tracts produced in making way for peace and is attentive to the lobbies made on both sides to the commissioners for peace negotiations by both individuals and companies. She argues that their attempts to influence the terms of the treaty ‘heralded a new and highly significant indicator of the wider public and central role that commercial concerns now held and would continue to play in the mainstream political life of the nation’ (p. 466). Merchants were also the subject of a piece by <span>Papini</span>. Her study of the accounts of Italian portraitist Antonio Franchi concentrates on the high volume of business he received in the late seventeenth century from British merchants and captains living and working in the port city of Livorno and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. She finds that, despite being notoriously expensive in Livorno, Franchi charged more favourable rates for his portraits than English painters. Meanwhile, the swelling British maritime community in Livorno and Tuscany encouraged artists to move to and work there.</p><p>The navigation and operation of trade was also the subject of several articles. <span>Jopling</span> questions the usefulness of the term ‘Jamaica discipline’ to describe a set of ideas followed by Anglo-American privateering and pirate groups in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. <span>Jopling</span> contests the received narrative that these groups were egalitarian and anti-authoritarian, highlighting instead fragmentation and core differences amongst privateers and pirates. He points to evidence of their intentions to embed themselves within colonial society to legitimize their activities. The social norms these groups adhered to were flexible and inconsistent, rather than constituting any kind of Jamaica discipline. In an article for a forum titled ‘Risk and Uncertainty in the Early Modern World’ published in the same journal, <span>Reid</span> focuses on ideas of risk and profit in British Atlantic merchant shipping. Evolutionary – rather than revolutionary – shifts in shipping technology characterize the British Atlantic maritime economy, he argues. The size of ships, for example, remained consistent throughout the period 1600–1800 due to risk associated with large ships travelling at speed. Instead, fleets grew to ensure the maritime economy remained buoyant. <span>Reid</span> argues for technological conservatism in explaining productivity of British merchant shipping.</p><p>An article by <span>Ruderman and van Waijenburg</span> explores the revocation of the Royal African Company's (RAC) monopoly in 1698, and particularly the Company's response to its loss in trading privileges. The authors code and analyse the highly systematized format (including <span>stock</span> phrases and repeated commands) of an almost complete set of 292 instruction letters sent by the RAC to its slave-ship captains on trips to West Africa between 1685 and 1706. Innovative coding offers countless insights into the Company's operation, many of which are beyond the scope of the article. Focusing on the 1698 revocation of the monopoly, the authors find that the Company operated with high organizational flexibility both before and immediately after, responding to changes and adopting new measures for more efficient management of the trade in enslaved African people. The infrastructure of the trade itself – especially slave-ship captains who continually sailed the West African coast – could be mobilized to monitor the activities of the RAC's principal agents at West African forts, and report back evidence of factors cheating the Company in the face of the collapse of the monopoly. The RAC, the authors argue, fought to maintain their position until they ran to standstill.</p><p>The navigation of imperial projects also featured in an article by <span>Smith</span> which explores the attempted replacement of Irish legal strategies by English planters in Collymore, County Cork. Legal tensions arose between two prevailing legal systems: on the one hand, customary practices of Gaelic lordship and partible inheritance (including tanistry, in which lordship descends to the most eligible relative or heir, rather than a direct patrilineal descendant) and, on the other, primogeniture and other Anglican legal mechanisms. <span>Smith</span> argues that, through routine legal cases such as inheritance disputes and chancery suits, Gaelic lords recast (but also rearticulated) their authority in the English vocabulary of the law. Tensions rumbled on for almost a century, but the rhetorical shifts Irish lords made in redefining their own sense of lordship kept them in dialogue with English law and practice, thereby changing ‘the terms on which the Tudor-Stuart state interacted with them, carving out new spaces and developing new strategies within the evolving and increasingly fraught environment of plantation Munster.’ (p. 58)</p><p>This year was a bumper year for articles on global capitalism, race, and colonial exploitation. The enslaved racialized labour that the transatlantic trade relied upon was the topic of an article by <span>Roper</span>. The author contends that the commonplace assumption that labour preferences in English colonial America shifted from indentured service to slavery are overblown. The trafficking and enslavement of Africans and natives was a fundamental part of English colonization from as early as the 1610s and only the development of large-scale trafficking determined the numbers of Africans in Anglo-America. This was not a shift in planter attitudes towards a colonial labour force, he argues. Rather, it was a question of access to African people. An article by <span>Smith</span> draws out important nuances in how the servant institution was conceptualized in relation to slavery, arguing that – according to devotional literature and servant manuals – the obedient servant performed Christian liberty, while the servant who resisted resembled African plantation slaves or galley slaves rowing for Muslim masters. Wage labour and servants who became ‘hirelings’ (living at their own liberty and hiring themselves out as they wished) could even be portrayed as being worse than a slave. This racialized rhetoric, <span>Smith</span> argues, fed into the formation of an obedient white working class in pre-industrial England.</p><p>An article by <span>Stock</span> considers British perceptions of Asia through a study of 350 geography books (including geographical reference works, gazetteers, encyclopaedias, and schoolbooks) between 1652 and 1832. <span>Stock</span> argues that these books circulated ideas about Asia in popular literate culture, with a readership that ranged from school children to ‘armchair tourists’ and actual travellers (p. 123). Of interest to social and economic historians is <span>Stock</span>’s conclusion that, for most of these texts, ‘Asia's past facilitates contemporary Europe, and Asia's present and future enables further European growth’ (p. 132). Nonetheless, while Asia's resource-rich lands offer premium conditions for generating economically advanced cultures, societal mismanagement has left these resources wasted and therefore ripe for economic exploitation.</p><p>Colonial exploitation was also the subject of an article by <span>Bennett</span>. The article focuses on the EIC's imperial project of developing a plantation system on St Helena, a South Atlantic island off the coast of Africa. <span>Bennett</span> traces the EIC's ambitions in mirroring of Barbadian sugar cultivation system, an economic model based on intensive farming and violent labour management. In St Helena, they tried sugar, indigo, cotton, and saltpetre. Caribbean models were, <span>Bennett</span> argues, of wider geographical significance. He offers brief glimpses of speculative plantation schemes beyond the Cape of Good Hope proposed in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. An article by <span>Menzin</span> interrogates the link between sugar products and capitalism. The English demand for sugar, she argues, was a key causal factor in English imperialism and, as a driver for the industrial revolution, should be given equal importance to the expansion of production in laying imperialist groundwork. <span>Menzin</span> highlights the importance of New England, in supplying the Barbadian sugar society (with wood for homes and foodstuffs, for example) and as a consumer. Evidence from account books, court and probate records, government documents, and narrative sources integrates sugar product consumption in Massachusetts Bay from the mid-seventeenth century into the story of English imperialism led by demand.</p><p>Early modern agrarian histories and histories of the land market produced a smattering of articles this year. An article by <span>Leech</span> focused on urbanization in Coventry, drawing new attention to the dual importance of dissolution and the Reformation in processes of land acquisition and enclosure of commons. <span>Leech</span> shows that, by the 1550s, the corporation of the city had taken possession of much of the land in and around Coventry, justifying enclosure and its investment into civic obligations as improving the commonwealth. An article by <span>Bottomley</span> offers a detailed investigation of property rights of minors through the Court of Wards between 1540 and 1660. The article argues that the Crown's re-imposition of wardship – whereby the Crown could take the lands of a minor into its wardship as well as the minor themselves – undermines property rights in this period. Although most people's land was never taken under wardship, rates of wardship nonetheless rose and its threat undermined the ability to freely and wholly enjoy a property. The Crown, <span>Bottomley</span> argues, manipulated wardship as a means to increase its own income (though maladministration meant that this revenue was largely lost). Wardships were sold, which had economic consequences upon the land. Values dropped as guardians stripped the land of its assets.</p><p>Agrarian management was the subject of an article by <span>Sørensen</span> who uses farming manuals and books to embed ideas of thrift, industriousness, and improvement within sixteenth- and seventeenth-century discourse. He argues that a shift in thought around how agriculture should be managed took place at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Thrift – which invoked ideas of household or farm management within a localized community – was gradually replaced by a national, more impersonal discourse of improvement and industriousness. Greater cooperation between agrarian improvers and the state was envisaged by the mid-seventeenth century. Agricultural labourers were virtually removed from the picture, imagined as ‘factors of production’ (p. 569) rather than part of the household family.</p><p>Two articles by <span>Taylor</span> reinvigorate the subject of early modern market tolls on grain. The first article, published in <i>The Historical Journal</i>, offers a close study of disputes over grain tolls in marketplaces (which included disputes over changes in existing toll collection practices, introduction of new practices, and evasion of toll payment). <span>Taylor</span> finds that tolls represented an ‘increasingly ambiguous position within early modern English economic culture’ (p. 928). <span>Taylor</span> argues that, far from being unimportant to economic life, they are emblematic of a complex transition from a society in which bargaining was predicated on ideas of community (which was accompanied by ideas of social and moral obligation) to self-interest. The second article, appearing in the pages of <i>Social History</i>, takes these same disputes and looks at them through the lens of paternalism. <span>Taylor</span> shows that duty towards the poor took precedence over the interests of private individuals. Figures of authority who were involved in managing toll corn had a paternalistic responsibility to the poor – though, as she argues, they did not always do so willingly or kindly. The politics of grain toll collection therefore mark it out as clearly demarcating the social order and the subordination of the poor.</p><p>A series of articles focused on the well-being of the early modern English. Literacy received renewed attention in an article by <span>Hailwood</span>. Focusing not on full signature literacy but on marks left on the page in depositions by those whom scholars would have traditionally deemed ‘illiterate’, <span>Hailwood</span> draws our attention to subcategories of literacy that tell us something more about writing and reading practices in a society of nascent literacy. In particular, he points to the more widespread recognition of letters (which he terms ‘letteracy’) and pen competency.</p><p>Over recent years, there has been an emerging focus on early modern food cultures. An article by <span>Taverner</span> and Flavin sheds new light on food stuffs, costs, and practices through the sixteenth-century accounts of Dublin Castle, residence of one of England's chief officeholders, Sir William Fitzwilliam. <span>Taverner</span> and <span>Flavin</span> show that elite consumption in Ireland was advanced, with mercantile activity well integrated into mainland Europe. The article offers new evidence of how a lord deputy strained to demonstrate early English imperial power through excessive consumption and a bountiful table. A second article by these two authors with co-authors Meltonville, Reid, Lawrence, Belloch-Molina, and Morrissey takes a radical, interdisciplinary approach to understand beer and its place in early modern diets. The article unites historians, experimental archaeologists, agronomists, microbiologists, brewing scientists, craftworkers, farmers, and maltsters to recreate an oat-based beer using early modern records (again from Dublin Castle, a large, high-ranking Irish home). The authors set out to investigate: ‘how alcoholic was beer in the past and how much energy did it provide?’ (p. 517) The article carefully sets out the process of recreating the beer and the experiment results. The beer they brewed had an alcohol by volume (ABV) of 5–5.3 per cent and an energy content of 260–272 kCal per pint, figures comparable to modern beers. Despite cautioning against taking these figures as new benchmarks due to imperfections in the process, the authors tentatively conclude that beer was an important source of energy in early modern England (though lower than other estimates) and that – given several pints were being drunk per day – had the potential to cause significant inebriation.</p><p>The extension of credit offered a framework for the close study of over 3500 debt suit entries in the Elizabethan Court of Common Pleas by <span>Kipling</span>. The author tracks the characteristics of those engaged in borrowing and lending in Elizabethan Sussex, revealing that most litigants involved in debt suits were below the level of the gentry and came from across the county and its immediate neighbours. The author draws out connections to London, pointing to the prevalence of credit being extended to county merchants from the capital.</p><p>Poverty and household consumption in the long run was the focus of an article published by <span>Horrell</span>. She constructs a price index for ordinary households running from 1260–1869 using a chained-Laspeyres methodology that accounts for changing patterns of household expenditure over time. The author produces indices for the pre-industrial period that are align closely with those reliant on Allen's fixed consumption basket. She therefore confirms Allen's consumer price index (CPI) as a reliable indicator of living costs and real wages. Both indices for this period, <span>Horrell</span> argues, reflect households’ dependence on agrarian products whose prices demonstrated similar co-movements. Prices followed the output of agriculture, meaning that the development of the household consumption bundle over time had little impact on the cost of living. Industrialization, however, brought a shift in household expenditures away from agrarian products and towards imported groceries and manufactured goods. This undermined the co-dependency. Economic growth and rising incomes caused cost of living to drift from Allen's basket of respectability, making his CPI less reliable for the later period. Poverty and cost of living was also the focus of an article by <span>Waddell</span>. He explores the idea of progress and what it means in early modern history by placing the economic crises of the 1690s under the spotlight. <span>Waddell</span> contrasts economic hardships with typical narratives of late Stuart expansion and the Glorious Revolution. Exploring the economic impact of the French wars, coin clipping, failed harvests, and rising prices in this decade, <span>Waddell</span> reminds us to be wary in viewing the late seventeenth century simply as a story of progress and economic success.</p><p>In the face of such economic and social hardship, early modern society may have felt powerless. However, the power of early modern petitioning has been enjoying its heyday in recent years, with scholarship expanding enormously in using it as window onto socio-political lives of ordinary people. An article by <span>Burnett</span> explores the decline of neighbourliness through a sample of 192 collectively produced petitions from Staffordshire and Worcestershire between 1589 and 1700. She argues that, rather than seeing these petitions as contradictory to the idea that communal cooperation was waning in the seventeenth century, they tell a story of both collective identity and mutual support as well as individualistic aims. Petitioners gathered signatories and supported their neighbours’ causes while also marking themselves out as individuals in their signatures and seeking individual integration through collective petitioning. Neither should be seen as mutually exclusive, she argues, and taking both together complicates our understanding of neighbourliness. An article by <span>Rhodes</span> also takes petitions as a source base for examining early modern marital relations. <span>Rhodes</span> adds to scholarship on marital breakdown, exploring 37 of a total of 127 petitions collected from Lancashire between 1660 and 1700 recorded couples living apart while remaining married. She focuses on deserted or absconded wives who remained in contact with their husbands and used petitioning as a means to procure maintenance from their (often abusive) husbands. The article sheds light on the circumstances that led these women to leave, how they coped with separation, and the widespread acceptance within society of estranged couples.</p><p>Petitioning also featured in an article by <span>Chaffin and Wallis</span>. Connecting petitions submitted by goldsmith apprentices to the Lord Mayor's Court for early discharge with the apprenticeship records of the Goldsmiths’ Company, the article explores the contractual framework of apprenticeship as well as providing estimates for gaps in livery company apprenticeship registers. Analysis of the petitions shows that apprentices from within the city and with paternal ties to the livery company more frequently made use of the Lord Mayor's Court. The authors find the court was used in processes of negotiation and reconciliation between masters and apprentices, and that court resolutions were provisional not absolute. Appealing to the Lord Mayor's Court could assist in offsetting the reputational cost discharged apprentices might bear. Several female apprentices who were probably working for the freeman's wife petitioned as members of the Company but did not appear in the apprenticeship registers. The authors therefore identify a gender-based blind spot in the records and undercounting of apprentices, with under-registration by livery companies affecting around 1 in 20 (and more acutely for female apprentices).</p><p>The trend in studying petitions is apparent in <span>Paterson's</span> article on the monopoly of starch in early seventeenth century England. Paterson explores the operation and control of monopolies through a petition made by the Grocers’ Company in 1608 with the support of the Lord Mayor of London against the newly incorporated Starchmakers’ Company, who held the monopoly on the production of starch. She traces the rhetoric around monopolization that the Companies used in their petitioning, exploring how it drew on the contemporary language of liberty as well as proposing a solution to the production of starch. Rather than suggesting the Grocers’ Company themselves might produce starch, they suggested a scheme of interest to the Crown: the banning of domestic production altogether (thereby ensuring edible wheat was not wasted on starch production) and free importation. The Starchmakers’ Company, by contrast, refuted each point of the petition, presenting themselves not as restricting starch production (so long as it was not made of wheat) and in fact as staunch supporters of the poor starch-makers (in comparison to the greedy Grocers’ Company). While the Grocers’ petition was unsuccessful, the document offers insight into traders’ attempts to navigate the economic challenges posed by monopolization and projection.</p><p>While petitions offer evidence of societal interaction with the state, several articles focused on ways in which the state exercised its control. Civic control was the subject of an article by <span>McSheffrey</span>, who pieces together the proceedings of the oft quoted but routinely understudied 1517 Evil May Day riots from scattered archival records. <span>McSheffrey</span> traces the anti-immigration and xenophobic feeling amongst London apprentices against alien artisans that sparked the riots. She points to the climate of xenophobia that was building before the riots as London guild apprentices found their special privileges eroded. The Dutch and the French, she argues, were particular targets. The harsh penalty meted out to the rioters (treason, which came with the death penalty, as the riots were framed as an attack on authority) was a response by the King to what he saw as poor government by the city and as a symbol of royal autocracy. An article by <span>Dyer</span> explores gentry honour and R.H. Tawney's sixteenth-century ‘agrarian problem’ through a Staffordshire murder case of 1515. The dispute arose over a dung heap allegedly belonging to husbandman Henry Flackett, who defended his claim to the dung against the gentleman Humphrey Walker, when his servants attempted to take it away. <span>Dyer</span> shows how these agrarian tensions led to Walker asserting his authority, ensuring that ‘no-one of lower status would question his authority over his servants’ (p. 20). Flackett paid the ultimate price of his life. The case, <span>Dyer</span> argues, also reveals lack of effective law enforcement, particularly among those of higher status.</p><p>Finally, while the subjects of lockdowns and quarantines have eased up in contemporary news, the experience and management of early modern plague continues to generate new publications. An article by <span>Udale</span> explored the implementation of the 1578 national quarantine law through the case study of three waves of plague in Bristol. Using data from parish registers, <span>Udale</span> compares patterns of household mortality in plagues occurring in 1565 and 1575 with the post-law outbreak of 1604. He finds that mortality in 1604 (after the 1578 plague order) was substantially higher than in the two earlier outbreaks, with burials clustered more tightly into household groups across all areas of the city. In 1604, attempts to quarantine were particularly concentrated in central, more affluent parts of the city where the city's rulers lived, suggesting the civic elite sought to protect themselves first and foremost.</p>","PeriodicalId":47868,"journal":{"name":"Economic History Review","volume":"78 1","pages":"361-370"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4000,"publicationDate":"2024-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ehr.13402","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Review of periodical literature for 2023: (iii) 1500–1700\",\"authors\":\"Charmian Mansell\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/ehr.13402\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>The year 2023 saw many publications in the fields of early modern economic and social history. The articles discussed in this round-up cover topics which have been a mainstay over recent years, including histories of labour (especially women's work), colonialism, and slavery. Agrarian history has lately gained renewed attention, and once again featured in this year's scholarship. A notable cluster of articles focused on what petitions – of which large collections survive – can tell us about the early modern economy, society, and the state. The gender split of authors was roughly equal this year, a testament to the rich and diverse topics that this year's articles cover.</p><p>Labour history was the focus of several articles. The hiring of over 1000 unskilled workers for the rebuilding of St Paul's Cathedral in London between 1672 and 1748 is the subject of an article by <span>Paker, Stephenson, and Wallis</span>. Applying econometric analysis to records of labourers hired, the authors find that hiring practices ‘encouraged retention and reduced turnover, giving a core group of laborers more work, priority in rehiring after slowdowns, and access to additional ways to earn.’ (p. 1101). Over time, the share of ‘new’ workers (i.e. those who had not previously worked on St Paul's) fell (p. 1110). Casual, transient work was not the pattern of hiring here at St Paul's; rather, the length of time a worker had been employed was rewarded with additional labour opportunities.</p><p>A synthesis of recent publications on work and identity is offered in an article by <span>Hailwood and Waddell</span>. In particular, the article draws attention to recent scholarship on the breadth of working identities that moves beyond categorizing people into ‘sorts’. The authors call for future scholarship which comparatively analyses types of sources (e.g. self-created versus indirect evidence) as well as how working identities might intersect with ‘time, place, gender, forms of labour, and race’ (p. 158). An article by <span>McVitty</span> contributes to this growing scholarship on work and identity. She exposes a pre-modern culture of sexual misconduct and gendered violence in the legal profession through close study of a range of legal records (court records, internal records of Inns of Court, and public proclamations) in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century England. While junior practitioners regularly participated in these behaviours, she argues, senior practitioners were responsible for condoning it (as well as sometimes participating) and shifting the blame to women. Although the legal community punished offenders, prosecution primarily sought to shield reputation and evade public consequences. Sexual misconduct and gendered violence contributed to the forging of tightly bound homosocial bonds that endure and persist within the legal profession today. To understand modern scandals of sexual misconduct within the common law profession, <span>McVitty</span> maintains, we must critically analyse inherited traditions.</p><p>Articles on women's work have become a strength of early modern economic and social history in recent years. This year, three articles on care work were published. In the first, <span>Shepard</span> traces care work activities of ‘working mothers’ in London from 1675–1800. Identifying incidences of ‘nurse’ (and its variants) in the <i>Proceedings of the Old Bailey Online</i>, <span>Shepard</span> finds that care work was dispersed broadly across a range of women (and sometimes men) in a variety of arrangements. Both a ‘form of pragmatic provision’ and a ‘commercial endeavour’ (p. 18), it was by no means exclusively carried out by the birth mother. In a second article, <span>Mansell</span> also uses court records as a window onto care work. Taking a microhistorical approach, she traces the end-of-life care received by a seventeenth-century unmarried man in Herefordshire. Through the articulations of care work and its value made by the litigant parties and the witnesses who testified on their behalf, she argues that the labour of care – both remunerated and unpaid, and physical and emotional – was economically valued in early modern England. A third article by <span>Fox and Brazier</span> focuses on the profession of midwifery, placing the seventeenth-century oath that midwives were required to swear under the microscope. The authors show that the oaths – a legal instrument of regulation – reveal what was important to both birthing women and to parish authorities. As officeholders themselves, midwives were ‘active participants in state formation’ (p. 248), and the authors note their crucial role in establishing what we might today see as an ethical code of midwifery.</p><p>A special issue on Scottish women's and gender history in <i>The Scottish Historical Review</i> this year contained three articles of interest to social and economic of the early modern period. The first, authored by <span>Mason</span>, focuses on women's property ownership. According to Scots law, a man could not sell property his wife brought to the marriage nor that jointly acquired during marriage without her consent. This consent was recorded by her signature on the deed and a private examination. Using a sample of approximately 1600 private examinations of seventeenth-century women in Glasgow, Inverness, and St Andrews, <span>Mason</span> questions how far the requirement of married women to consent to these sales constrained their husbands’ power over property. While we cannot know how many women were coerced into the private examination, <span>Mason</span> nonetheless argues that the procedure itself represents the legal importance placed on married women's consent in property transactions and the protection the courts offered them. Women did not hand over their consent freely, she finds. Many exchanged it for other property. Seventeenth-century married women, therefore, were not excluded from legal and economic processes. Sixteenth-century married women were the subject of an article in the same issue by <span>Beattie</span> (with <span>Spence</span>). The article explores the voluminous testamentary archive for sixteenth-century Scotland, finding that around one-third of wills were made by women. Through careful recategorization of those listed in the National Records for Scotland catalogue as ‘sometimes spouses’ from widows to married women, the authors show that wives made up the largest proportion of female testators. A sample of married women's wills shows that they rarely mentioned a husband's consent, were regularly able to bequeath their half or third portion of household goods, and that the clothing and jewellery they left could be extremely valuable. Significantly, the authors find that the women used language of community of property between husband and wife. A third article by <span>Spence</span> examines 2000 wills produced between 1560 and 1600. She argues that women who made wills were well aware of what was theirs to bequeath and that these documents should be read not just as formulaic or prescribed. Rather, they offer something of women's ‘voices’. <span>Spence</span> argues for three distinct ways in which these voices can be heard: firstly, in women naming their executors; second, in their instructions of how to care for children and stepchildren; and thirdly, through the items they left to others in the latter will and legacy sections of their testaments. Using wills from this perspective, she argues, shifts the focus away from other studies that show how women used their voices for ill to those who used their authoritative voices to advance the family position.</p><p>An article by <span>Brock</span> sheds new light on women's relationship to early modern trade and empire in Asia. The article focuses on the mercantile activities of one woman – Martha Parker – who operated as a merchant with the East India Company (EIC) in the second half of the seventeenth century. She was not alone. Over 1300 women had commercial interactions with EIC between 1600 and 1757, <span>Brock</span> shows. Women's commercial networks and practices within the EIC were key in shaping the Company's structure. Particularly upon their husband's deaths, women were agents in expanding their personal and household economies, accessing networks and using their existing knowledge of trading companies and mercantile business.</p><p>This was one of several articles this year that expanded our understanding of trade, mercantilism, and the global economy. An article by <span>Bromley</span> shifts our focus from ideas of the ‘centre city’ to the ‘centre country’ in thinking about transnational mercantile networks and global knowledge. Through a close study of trading company debates in the 1690s, the article positions mercantilism as ‘a process of interaction between private interests that stretched beyond London across England and the wider world’ (p. 748). Global knowledge, <span>Bromley</span> finds, was not limited to England's port cities, or domestic/overseas sites held by colonial administrators or Companies. Contribution to public interest, he argues, was asserted ‘by drawing links between private interests and national employment’ (p. 771) and a trade's capacity to support domestic employment. He draws attention to the importance of the middling sorts’ economic beliefs, expressed through the documents they left behind and particularly petitions (a source which we will see attracted great attention this year).</p><p>The 1604 Treaty of London and the ending of the Anglo-Spanish War was the subject of an article by <span>Gajda</span>. In this article, <span>Gajda</span> sheds light on the importance of merchants’ economic concerns scaffolded in the treaty. She points to the multi-layered and often competing interests of different mercantile groups. Some sought to recover finances lost through war, while others had directly benefited from war. Gadja closely analyses the manuscript tracts produced in making way for peace and is attentive to the lobbies made on both sides to the commissioners for peace negotiations by both individuals and companies. She argues that their attempts to influence the terms of the treaty ‘heralded a new and highly significant indicator of the wider public and central role that commercial concerns now held and would continue to play in the mainstream political life of the nation’ (p. 466). Merchants were also the subject of a piece by <span>Papini</span>. Her study of the accounts of Italian portraitist Antonio Franchi concentrates on the high volume of business he received in the late seventeenth century from British merchants and captains living and working in the port city of Livorno and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. She finds that, despite being notoriously expensive in Livorno, Franchi charged more favourable rates for his portraits than English painters. Meanwhile, the swelling British maritime community in Livorno and Tuscany encouraged artists to move to and work there.</p><p>The navigation and operation of trade was also the subject of several articles. <span>Jopling</span> questions the usefulness of the term ‘Jamaica discipline’ to describe a set of ideas followed by Anglo-American privateering and pirate groups in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. <span>Jopling</span> contests the received narrative that these groups were egalitarian and anti-authoritarian, highlighting instead fragmentation and core differences amongst privateers and pirates. He points to evidence of their intentions to embed themselves within colonial society to legitimize their activities. The social norms these groups adhered to were flexible and inconsistent, rather than constituting any kind of Jamaica discipline. In an article for a forum titled ‘Risk and Uncertainty in the Early Modern World’ published in the same journal, <span>Reid</span> focuses on ideas of risk and profit in British Atlantic merchant shipping. Evolutionary – rather than revolutionary – shifts in shipping technology characterize the British Atlantic maritime economy, he argues. The size of ships, for example, remained consistent throughout the period 1600–1800 due to risk associated with large ships travelling at speed. Instead, fleets grew to ensure the maritime economy remained buoyant. <span>Reid</span> argues for technological conservatism in explaining productivity of British merchant shipping.</p><p>An article by <span>Ruderman and van Waijenburg</span> explores the revocation of the Royal African Company's (RAC) monopoly in 1698, and particularly the Company's response to its loss in trading privileges. The authors code and analyse the highly systematized format (including <span>stock</span> phrases and repeated commands) of an almost complete set of 292 instruction letters sent by the RAC to its slave-ship captains on trips to West Africa between 1685 and 1706. Innovative coding offers countless insights into the Company's operation, many of which are beyond the scope of the article. Focusing on the 1698 revocation of the monopoly, the authors find that the Company operated with high organizational flexibility both before and immediately after, responding to changes and adopting new measures for more efficient management of the trade in enslaved African people. The infrastructure of the trade itself – especially slave-ship captains who continually sailed the West African coast – could be mobilized to monitor the activities of the RAC's principal agents at West African forts, and report back evidence of factors cheating the Company in the face of the collapse of the monopoly. The RAC, the authors argue, fought to maintain their position until they ran to standstill.</p><p>The navigation of imperial projects also featured in an article by <span>Smith</span> which explores the attempted replacement of Irish legal strategies by English planters in Collymore, County Cork. Legal tensions arose between two prevailing legal systems: on the one hand, customary practices of Gaelic lordship and partible inheritance (including tanistry, in which lordship descends to the most eligible relative or heir, rather than a direct patrilineal descendant) and, on the other, primogeniture and other Anglican legal mechanisms. <span>Smith</span> argues that, through routine legal cases such as inheritance disputes and chancery suits, Gaelic lords recast (but also rearticulated) their authority in the English vocabulary of the law. Tensions rumbled on for almost a century, but the rhetorical shifts Irish lords made in redefining their own sense of lordship kept them in dialogue with English law and practice, thereby changing ‘the terms on which the Tudor-Stuart state interacted with them, carving out new spaces and developing new strategies within the evolving and increasingly fraught environment of plantation Munster.’ (p. 58)</p><p>This year was a bumper year for articles on global capitalism, race, and colonial exploitation. The enslaved racialized labour that the transatlantic trade relied upon was the topic of an article by <span>Roper</span>. The author contends that the commonplace assumption that labour preferences in English colonial America shifted from indentured service to slavery are overblown. The trafficking and enslavement of Africans and natives was a fundamental part of English colonization from as early as the 1610s and only the development of large-scale trafficking determined the numbers of Africans in Anglo-America. This was not a shift in planter attitudes towards a colonial labour force, he argues. Rather, it was a question of access to African people. An article by <span>Smith</span> draws out important nuances in how the servant institution was conceptualized in relation to slavery, arguing that – according to devotional literature and servant manuals – the obedient servant performed Christian liberty, while the servant who resisted resembled African plantation slaves or galley slaves rowing for Muslim masters. Wage labour and servants who became ‘hirelings’ (living at their own liberty and hiring themselves out as they wished) could even be portrayed as being worse than a slave. This racialized rhetoric, <span>Smith</span> argues, fed into the formation of an obedient white working class in pre-industrial England.</p><p>An article by <span>Stock</span> considers British perceptions of Asia through a study of 350 geography books (including geographical reference works, gazetteers, encyclopaedias, and schoolbooks) between 1652 and 1832. <span>Stock</span> argues that these books circulated ideas about Asia in popular literate culture, with a readership that ranged from school children to ‘armchair tourists’ and actual travellers (p. 123). Of interest to social and economic historians is <span>Stock</span>’s conclusion that, for most of these texts, ‘Asia's past facilitates contemporary Europe, and Asia's present and future enables further European growth’ (p. 132). Nonetheless, while Asia's resource-rich lands offer premium conditions for generating economically advanced cultures, societal mismanagement has left these resources wasted and therefore ripe for economic exploitation.</p><p>Colonial exploitation was also the subject of an article by <span>Bennett</span>. The article focuses on the EIC's imperial project of developing a plantation system on St Helena, a South Atlantic island off the coast of Africa. <span>Bennett</span> traces the EIC's ambitions in mirroring of Barbadian sugar cultivation system, an economic model based on intensive farming and violent labour management. In St Helena, they tried sugar, indigo, cotton, and saltpetre. Caribbean models were, <span>Bennett</span> argues, of wider geographical significance. He offers brief glimpses of speculative plantation schemes beyond the Cape of Good Hope proposed in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. An article by <span>Menzin</span> interrogates the link between sugar products and capitalism. The English demand for sugar, she argues, was a key causal factor in English imperialism and, as a driver for the industrial revolution, should be given equal importance to the expansion of production in laying imperialist groundwork. <span>Menzin</span> highlights the importance of New England, in supplying the Barbadian sugar society (with wood for homes and foodstuffs, for example) and as a consumer. Evidence from account books, court and probate records, government documents, and narrative sources integrates sugar product consumption in Massachusetts Bay from the mid-seventeenth century into the story of English imperialism led by demand.</p><p>Early modern agrarian histories and histories of the land market produced a smattering of articles this year. An article by <span>Leech</span> focused on urbanization in Coventry, drawing new attention to the dual importance of dissolution and the Reformation in processes of land acquisition and enclosure of commons. <span>Leech</span> shows that, by the 1550s, the corporation of the city had taken possession of much of the land in and around Coventry, justifying enclosure and its investment into civic obligations as improving the commonwealth. An article by <span>Bottomley</span> offers a detailed investigation of property rights of minors through the Court of Wards between 1540 and 1660. The article argues that the Crown's re-imposition of wardship – whereby the Crown could take the lands of a minor into its wardship as well as the minor themselves – undermines property rights in this period. Although most people's land was never taken under wardship, rates of wardship nonetheless rose and its threat undermined the ability to freely and wholly enjoy a property. The Crown, <span>Bottomley</span> argues, manipulated wardship as a means to increase its own income (though maladministration meant that this revenue was largely lost). Wardships were sold, which had economic consequences upon the land. Values dropped as guardians stripped the land of its assets.</p><p>Agrarian management was the subject of an article by <span>Sørensen</span> who uses farming manuals and books to embed ideas of thrift, industriousness, and improvement within sixteenth- and seventeenth-century discourse. He argues that a shift in thought around how agriculture should be managed took place at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Thrift – which invoked ideas of household or farm management within a localized community – was gradually replaced by a national, more impersonal discourse of improvement and industriousness. Greater cooperation between agrarian improvers and the state was envisaged by the mid-seventeenth century. Agricultural labourers were virtually removed from the picture, imagined as ‘factors of production’ (p. 569) rather than part of the household family.</p><p>Two articles by <span>Taylor</span> reinvigorate the subject of early modern market tolls on grain. The first article, published in <i>The Historical Journal</i>, offers a close study of disputes over grain tolls in marketplaces (which included disputes over changes in existing toll collection practices, introduction of new practices, and evasion of toll payment). <span>Taylor</span> finds that tolls represented an ‘increasingly ambiguous position within early modern English economic culture’ (p. 928). <span>Taylor</span> argues that, far from being unimportant to economic life, they are emblematic of a complex transition from a society in which bargaining was predicated on ideas of community (which was accompanied by ideas of social and moral obligation) to self-interest. The second article, appearing in the pages of <i>Social History</i>, takes these same disputes and looks at them through the lens of paternalism. <span>Taylor</span> shows that duty towards the poor took precedence over the interests of private individuals. Figures of authority who were involved in managing toll corn had a paternalistic responsibility to the poor – though, as she argues, they did not always do so willingly or kindly. The politics of grain toll collection therefore mark it out as clearly demarcating the social order and the subordination of the poor.</p><p>A series of articles focused on the well-being of the early modern English. Literacy received renewed attention in an article by <span>Hailwood</span>. Focusing not on full signature literacy but on marks left on the page in depositions by those whom scholars would have traditionally deemed ‘illiterate’, <span>Hailwood</span> draws our attention to subcategories of literacy that tell us something more about writing and reading practices in a society of nascent literacy. In particular, he points to the more widespread recognition of letters (which he terms ‘letteracy’) and pen competency.</p><p>Over recent years, there has been an emerging focus on early modern food cultures. An article by <span>Taverner</span> and Flavin sheds new light on food stuffs, costs, and practices through the sixteenth-century accounts of Dublin Castle, residence of one of England's chief officeholders, Sir William Fitzwilliam. <span>Taverner</span> and <span>Flavin</span> show that elite consumption in Ireland was advanced, with mercantile activity well integrated into mainland Europe. The article offers new evidence of how a lord deputy strained to demonstrate early English imperial power through excessive consumption and a bountiful table. A second article by these two authors with co-authors Meltonville, Reid, Lawrence, Belloch-Molina, and Morrissey takes a radical, interdisciplinary approach to understand beer and its place in early modern diets. The article unites historians, experimental archaeologists, agronomists, microbiologists, brewing scientists, craftworkers, farmers, and maltsters to recreate an oat-based beer using early modern records (again from Dublin Castle, a large, high-ranking Irish home). The authors set out to investigate: ‘how alcoholic was beer in the past and how much energy did it provide?’ (p. 517) The article carefully sets out the process of recreating the beer and the experiment results. The beer they brewed had an alcohol by volume (ABV) of 5–5.3 per cent and an energy content of 260–272 kCal per pint, figures comparable to modern beers. Despite cautioning against taking these figures as new benchmarks due to imperfections in the process, the authors tentatively conclude that beer was an important source of energy in early modern England (though lower than other estimates) and that – given several pints were being drunk per day – had the potential to cause significant inebriation.</p><p>The extension of credit offered a framework for the close study of over 3500 debt suit entries in the Elizabethan Court of Common Pleas by <span>Kipling</span>. The author tracks the characteristics of those engaged in borrowing and lending in Elizabethan Sussex, revealing that most litigants involved in debt suits were below the level of the gentry and came from across the county and its immediate neighbours. The author draws out connections to London, pointing to the prevalence of credit being extended to county merchants from the capital.</p><p>Poverty and household consumption in the long run was the focus of an article published by <span>Horrell</span>. She constructs a price index for ordinary households running from 1260–1869 using a chained-Laspeyres methodology that accounts for changing patterns of household expenditure over time. The author produces indices for the pre-industrial period that are align closely with those reliant on Allen's fixed consumption basket. She therefore confirms Allen's consumer price index (CPI) as a reliable indicator of living costs and real wages. Both indices for this period, <span>Horrell</span> argues, reflect households’ dependence on agrarian products whose prices demonstrated similar co-movements. Prices followed the output of agriculture, meaning that the development of the household consumption bundle over time had little impact on the cost of living. Industrialization, however, brought a shift in household expenditures away from agrarian products and towards imported groceries and manufactured goods. This undermined the co-dependency. Economic growth and rising incomes caused cost of living to drift from Allen's basket of respectability, making his CPI less reliable for the later period. Poverty and cost of living was also the focus of an article by <span>Waddell</span>. He explores the idea of progress and what it means in early modern history by placing the economic crises of the 1690s under the spotlight. <span>Waddell</span> contrasts economic hardships with typical narratives of late Stuart expansion and the Glorious Revolution. Exploring the economic impact of the French wars, coin clipping, failed harvests, and rising prices in this decade, <span>Waddell</span> reminds us to be wary in viewing the late seventeenth century simply as a story of progress and economic success.</p><p>In the face of such economic and social hardship, early modern society may have felt powerless. However, the power of early modern petitioning has been enjoying its heyday in recent years, with scholarship expanding enormously in using it as window onto socio-political lives of ordinary people. An article by <span>Burnett</span> explores the decline of neighbourliness through a sample of 192 collectively produced petitions from Staffordshire and Worcestershire between 1589 and 1700. She argues that, rather than seeing these petitions as contradictory to the idea that communal cooperation was waning in the seventeenth century, they tell a story of both collective identity and mutual support as well as individualistic aims. Petitioners gathered signatories and supported their neighbours’ causes while also marking themselves out as individuals in their signatures and seeking individual integration through collective petitioning. Neither should be seen as mutually exclusive, she argues, and taking both together complicates our understanding of neighbourliness. An article by <span>Rhodes</span> also takes petitions as a source base for examining early modern marital relations. <span>Rhodes</span> adds to scholarship on marital breakdown, exploring 37 of a total of 127 petitions collected from Lancashire between 1660 and 1700 recorded couples living apart while remaining married. She focuses on deserted or absconded wives who remained in contact with their husbands and used petitioning as a means to procure maintenance from their (often abusive) husbands. The article sheds light on the circumstances that led these women to leave, how they coped with separation, and the widespread acceptance within society of estranged couples.</p><p>Petitioning also featured in an article by <span>Chaffin and Wallis</span>. Connecting petitions submitted by goldsmith apprentices to the Lord Mayor's Court for early discharge with the apprenticeship records of the Goldsmiths’ Company, the article explores the contractual framework of apprenticeship as well as providing estimates for gaps in livery company apprenticeship registers. Analysis of the petitions shows that apprentices from within the city and with paternal ties to the livery company more frequently made use of the Lord Mayor's Court. The authors find the court was used in processes of negotiation and reconciliation between masters and apprentices, and that court resolutions were provisional not absolute. Appealing to the Lord Mayor's Court could assist in offsetting the reputational cost discharged apprentices might bear. Several female apprentices who were probably working for the freeman's wife petitioned as members of the Company but did not appear in the apprenticeship registers. The authors therefore identify a gender-based blind spot in the records and undercounting of apprentices, with under-registration by livery companies affecting around 1 in 20 (and more acutely for female apprentices).</p><p>The trend in studying petitions is apparent in <span>Paterson's</span> article on the monopoly of starch in early seventeenth century England. Paterson explores the operation and control of monopolies through a petition made by the Grocers’ Company in 1608 with the support of the Lord Mayor of London against the newly incorporated Starchmakers’ Company, who held the monopoly on the production of starch. She traces the rhetoric around monopolization that the Companies used in their petitioning, exploring how it drew on the contemporary language of liberty as well as proposing a solution to the production of starch. Rather than suggesting the Grocers’ Company themselves might produce starch, they suggested a scheme of interest to the Crown: the banning of domestic production altogether (thereby ensuring edible wheat was not wasted on starch production) and free importation. The Starchmakers’ Company, by contrast, refuted each point of the petition, presenting themselves not as restricting starch production (so long as it was not made of wheat) and in fact as staunch supporters of the poor starch-makers (in comparison to the greedy Grocers’ Company). While the Grocers’ petition was unsuccessful, the document offers insight into traders’ attempts to navigate the economic challenges posed by monopolization and projection.</p><p>While petitions offer evidence of societal interaction with the state, several articles focused on ways in which the state exercised its control. Civic control was the subject of an article by <span>McSheffrey</span>, who pieces together the proceedings of the oft quoted but routinely understudied 1517 Evil May Day riots from scattered archival records. <span>McSheffrey</span> traces the anti-immigration and xenophobic feeling amongst London apprentices against alien artisans that sparked the riots. She points to the climate of xenophobia that was building before the riots as London guild apprentices found their special privileges eroded. The Dutch and the French, she argues, were particular targets. The harsh penalty meted out to the rioters (treason, which came with the death penalty, as the riots were framed as an attack on authority) was a response by the King to what he saw as poor government by the city and as a symbol of royal autocracy. An article by <span>Dyer</span> explores gentry honour and R.H. Tawney's sixteenth-century ‘agrarian problem’ through a Staffordshire murder case of 1515. The dispute arose over a dung heap allegedly belonging to husbandman Henry Flackett, who defended his claim to the dung against the gentleman Humphrey Walker, when his servants attempted to take it away. <span>Dyer</span> shows how these agrarian tensions led to Walker asserting his authority, ensuring that ‘no-one of lower status would question his authority over his servants’ (p. 20). Flackett paid the ultimate price of his life. The case, <span>Dyer</span> argues, also reveals lack of effective law enforcement, particularly among those of higher status.</p><p>Finally, while the subjects of lockdowns and quarantines have eased up in contemporary news, the experience and management of early modern plague continues to generate new publications. An article by <span>Udale</span> explored the implementation of the 1578 national quarantine law through the case study of three waves of plague in Bristol. Using data from parish registers, <span>Udale</span> compares patterns of household mortality in plagues occurring in 1565 and 1575 with the post-law outbreak of 1604. He finds that mortality in 1604 (after the 1578 plague order) was substantially higher than in the two earlier outbreaks, with burials clustered more tightly into household groups across all areas of the city. In 1604, attempts to quarantine were particularly concentrated in central, more affluent parts of the city where the city's rulers lived, suggesting the civic elite sought to protect themselves first and foremost.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":47868,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Economic History Review\",\"volume\":\"78 1\",\"pages\":\"361-370\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-11-27\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ehr.13402\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Economic History Review\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"98\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ehr.13402\",\"RegionNum\":1,\"RegionCategory\":\"历史学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"ECONOMICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Economic History Review","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ehr.13402","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

2023年在早期现代经济和社会历史领域发表了许多出版物。本综述所讨论的文章涵盖了近年来的主流话题,包括劳工(尤其是妇女工作)、殖民主义和奴隶制的历史。农业历史最近重新引起了人们的关注,并再次成为今年奖学金的重点。一组值得注意的文章聚焦于请愿书——大量的请愿书保存了下来——可以告诉我们关于早期现代经济、社会和国家的信息。今年作者的性别比例大致相等,这证明了今年的文章涵盖了丰富多样的主题。工党的历史是几篇文章的重点。帕克、斯蒂芬森和沃利斯在一篇文章中提到,1672年至1748年间,伦敦圣保罗大教堂的重建雇佣了1000多名非技术工人。通过对被雇佣劳动者的记录进行计量经济学分析,作者发现,雇佣做法鼓励了劳动者的保留,减少了流失率,给了核心劳动者更多的工作,在经济放缓后优先再就业,并获得了额外的赚钱途径。(第1101页)。随着时间的推移,“新”工人(即以前没有在圣保罗教堂工作过的人)的比例下降了(第1110页)。在圣保罗教堂,随意、短暂的工作并不是招聘的模式;相反,工人被雇用的时间越长,就会得到额外的劳动机会。Hailwood和Waddell的一篇文章综合了最近发表的关于工作和身份的文章。特别是,这篇文章引起了人们对最近关于工作身份广度的学术研究的关注,这些研究超越了将人们划分为“种类”的范畴。作者呼吁未来的学术研究能够比较分析各种来源(例如,自己创造的证据与间接证据),以及工作身份如何与“时间、地点、性别、劳动形式和种族”相交(第158页)。麦克维蒂的一篇文章为这一日益增长的关于工作和身份的学术研究做出了贡献。她通过仔细研究15 - 16世纪英国的一系列法律记录(法庭记录、法院内部记录和公开公告),揭露了法律职业中性行为不端和性别暴力的前现代文化。她认为,虽然初级从业人员经常参与这些行为,但高级从业人员有责任容忍(有时也参与)并将责任推给女性。虽然法律界惩罚违法者,但起诉主要是为了保护名誉和逃避公众后果。不当性行为和性别暴力促成了同性社会紧密联系的形成,这种联系在今天的法律界中持续存在。麦克维蒂坚持认为,要理解现代普通法行业中的性行为不端丑闻,我们必须批判性地分析继承下来的传统。近年来,关于妇女工作的文章已成为近代早期经济社会史的一股力量。今年发表了三篇有关护理工作的文章。在第一部分中,谢泼德追溯了1675年至1800年伦敦“职业母亲”的护理工作活动。谢泼德在《老贝利在线诉讼》(Proceedings of the Old Bailey Online)中发现,“护士”(及其变体)一词的出现频率很高,他发现,护理工作广泛地分散在一系列女性(有时是男性)身上,工作安排也各不相同。这既是一种“务实的规定”,也是一种“商业努力”(第18页),它绝不是完全由生母执行的。在第二篇文章中,曼塞尔还将法庭记录作为了解护理工作的窗口。采用微观历史的方法,她追溯了17世纪赫里福德郡一位未婚男子接受的临终关怀。通过诉讼当事人和代表他们作证的证人对护理工作及其价值的阐述,她认为,在现代早期的英国,护理工作——无论是有偿的还是无偿的,无论是身体上的还是情感上的——都是有经济价值的。Fox和Brazier的第三篇文章关注助产士的职业,将17世纪助产士被要求发誓的誓言置于显微镜下。作者指出,这些誓言——一种法律法规——揭示了什么对生育妇女和教区当局都很重要。作为官员本身,助产士是“国家形成的积极参与者”(第248页),作者指出,他们在建立我们今天可能看到的助产士道德准则方面发挥了关键作用。在今年的《苏格兰历史评论》中,关于苏格兰妇女和性别历史的特刊包含了三篇关于近代早期社会和经济的有趣文章。第一本由梅森撰写,关注女性的财产所有权。 根据苏格兰法律,未经妻子同意,丈夫不得出售妻子带入婚姻的财产,也不得出售婚姻期间双方共同获得的财产。她在契据上签字,并私下检查了一下。通过对17世纪格拉斯哥、因弗内斯和圣安德鲁斯约1600名女性的私人调查样本,梅森提出了一个问题,即已婚女性同意这些交易的要求在多大程度上限制了她们丈夫对财产的权力。虽然我们不知道有多少妇女被强迫进行私人检查,但梅森认为,这一程序本身代表了在财产交易中已婚妇女同意的法律重要性,以及法院为她们提供的保护。她发现,女性并没有自由地表示同意。许多人用它换了其他财产。因此,17世纪的已婚妇女并没有被排除在法律和经济程序之外。16世纪的已婚妇女是贝蒂(和斯宾塞)在同一期上的一篇文章的主题。这篇文章对16世纪苏格兰的大量遗嘱档案进行了研究,发现大约三分之一的遗嘱是由女性立的。通过对苏格兰国家记录目录中列出的“有时配偶”从寡妇到已婚妇女的仔细重新分类,作者表明,妻子占女性遗嘱人的最大比例。一份已婚妇女的遗嘱样本显示,她们很少提及丈夫的同意,经常能够将她们一半或三分之一的家庭物品遗赠,而且她们留下的衣服和珠宝可能非常有价值。值得注意的是,作者发现女性使用了夫妻财产共有的语言。斯宾塞的第三篇文章研究了1560年至1600年间的2000份遗嘱。她认为,立遗嘱的女性很清楚自己要遗赠的是什么,这些文件不应该被视为公式化或规定性的。相反,它们提供了一些女性的“声音”。斯宾塞认为,这些声音可以通过三种不同的方式被听到:首先,女性指定自己的遗嘱执行人;第二,在他们如何照顾子女和继子女的指导中;第三,通过他们在遗嘱中留给他人的物品和遗嘱中的遗产部分。她认为,从这一角度使用遗嘱,可以将研究的焦点从其他研究转移到那些显示女性如何利用自己的声音来表达恶意的研究上,转移到那些利用自己的权威声音来提升家庭地位的研究上。布洛克的一篇文章揭示了女性与亚洲早期现代贸易和帝国的关系。这篇文章主要讲述了17世纪下半叶一位名叫玛莎·帕克的妇女的商业活动,她是东印度公司(EIC)的商人。她并不孤单。布洛克表示,1600年至1757年间,超过1300名女性与EIC有过商业往来。女性在EIC内部的商业网络和实践是塑造公司结构的关键。特别是在其丈夫去世后,妇女成为扩大其个人和家庭经济、进入网络和利用其对贸易公司和商业业务的现有知识的代理人。这是今年拓展我们对贸易、重商主义和全球经济理解的几篇文章之一。布罗姆利的一篇文章将我们在思考跨国商业网络和全球知识时的关注点从“中心城市”转移到了“中心国家”。通过对1690年代贸易公司辩论的仔细研究,文章将重商主义定位为“超越伦敦、横跨英格兰和更广阔世界的私人利益之间互动的过程”(第748页)。布罗姆利发现,全球知识并不局限于英国的港口城市,或殖民地管理者或公司持有的国内/海外网站。他认为,“通过将私人利益与国家就业联系起来”(第771页)以及贸易支持国内就业的能力,可以断言对公共利益的贡献。他让人们注意到中产阶级的经济信仰的重要性,这些信仰通过他们留下的文件,尤其是请愿书(我们将在今年看到这一来源引起了极大的关注)表达出来。1604年的《伦敦条约》和英西战争的结束是Gajda一篇文章的主题。在这篇文章中,Gajda阐明了商人在条约中所关注的经济问题的重要性。她指出,不同的商业集团有着多层次的、经常相互竞争的利益。一些国家试图弥补战争造成的财政损失,而另一些国家则直接从战争中受益。Gadja仔细分析了为和平让路而制作的手稿,并关注了双方个人和公司对和平谈判专员的游说。 她认为,他们试图影响条约条款的努力“预示着一个新的、高度重要的指标,表明商业关切现在在国家主流政治生活中占据并将继续发挥更广泛的公众和核心作用”(第466页)。商人也是帕皮尼作品的主题。她对意大利肖像画家安东尼奥·弗兰奇(Antonio Franchi)的研究集中在17世纪晚期,他从港口城市利沃诺(Livorno)和托斯卡纳大公国(Grand Duchy of Tuscany)生活和工作的英国商人和船长那里获得了大量业务。她发现,尽管在利沃诺的肖像画价格是出了名的昂贵,但弗兰奇的肖像画价格却比英国画家更优惠。与此同时,利沃诺和托斯卡纳不断壮大的英国海事社区鼓励艺术家们搬到那里工作。航海和贸易运作也是几篇文章的主题。乔普林质疑用“牙买加纪律”来描述17世纪末和18世纪初英美海盗和海盗集团所遵循的一套观念是否有用。乔普林对这些组织是平等主义和反威权主义的公认说法提出了质疑,相反,他强调了私掠者和海盗之间的分裂和核心差异。他指出,有证据表明,他们有意将自己融入殖民地社会,使自己的活动合法化。这些群体所遵守的社会规范是灵活和不一致的,而不是构成任何一种牙买加纪律。在同一杂志上发表的一篇题为“早期现代世界的风险和不确定性”的论坛文章中,里德重点讨论了英国大西洋商船的风险和利润观念。他认为,航运技术的进化(而非革命性)转变是英国大西洋海上经济的特征。例如,船只的大小在1600-1800年期间保持一致,因为大型船只在高速行驶时存在风险。相反,船队的增长确保了海上经济的繁荣。里德主张用技术保守主义来解释英国商船的生产力。Ruderman和van Waijenburg的一篇文章探讨了1698年皇家非洲公司(RAC)垄断的撤销,特别是该公司对其失去贸易特权的反应。作者对一套几乎完整的292封指令信进行了编码和分析,这些指令信是RAC在1685年至1706年间发给其前往西非的奴隶船船长的,格式高度系统化(包括常用语和重复命令)。创新的编码为公司的运作提供了无数的见解,其中许多都超出了本文的范围。重点关注1698年垄断的撤销,作者发现该公司在之前和之后都具有高度的组织灵活性,应对变化并采取新措施更有效地管理奴役非洲人的贸易。贸易本身的基础设施- -特别是那些不断在西非海岸航行的奴隶船船长- -可以动员起来监视RAC在西非据点的主要代理人的活动,并在面对垄断的崩溃时报告欺骗公司的因素的证据。作者认为,RAC一直在努力维持自己的地位,直到陷入停滞。在史密斯的一篇文章中,帝国项目的导航也有特色,这篇文章探讨了科克郡科利莫尔的英国种植园主试图取代爱尔兰的法律策略。两种主要的法律制度之间出现了法律上的紧张关系:一方面是盖尔人的爵位和可分继承的惯例(包括爵位传给最有资格的亲属或继承人,而不是直接的父系后裔),另一方面是长子继承制和其他圣公会法律机制。史密斯认为,通过诸如继承纠纷和衡平法诉讼等日常法律案件,盖尔领主重塑了(但也重新确立了)他们在英语法律词汇中的权威。紧张局势持续了近一个世纪,但爱尔兰领主在重新定义自己的领主意识时所做的修辞转变使他们与英国法律和实践保持了对话,从而改变了都铎-斯图亚特王朝与他们互动的条件,在不断发展和日益紧张的种植园明斯特环境中开辟了新的空间,制定了新的战略。今年是关于全球资本主义、种族和殖民剥削的文章的丰收年。跨大西洋贸易所依赖的被奴役的种族化劳动力是罗珀一篇文章的主题。作者认为,认为英国殖民时期的美洲对劳动力的偏好从契约工转变为奴隶制的普遍假设被夸大了。 节俭——在一个地方社区中唤起家庭或农场管理的思想——逐渐被一种全国性的、更客观的关于改进和勤奋的话语所取代。十七世纪中叶,人们设想了农业改良者和国家之间更大的合作。农业劳动者实际上从画面中消失了,他们被想象为“生产要素”(第569页),而不是家庭的一部分。泰勒的两篇文章重振了早期现代市场对粮食的收费这一主题。第一篇文章发表在《历史杂志》(The Historical Journal)上,对市场上有关粮食收费费的争议进行了深入研究(其中包括有关改变现有收费做法、引入新做法和逃避收费费支付的争议)。泰勒发现,通行费代表了“在早期现代英国经济文化中日益模糊的地位”(第928页)。泰勒认为,它们对经济生活绝不是不重要的,它们象征着一个复杂的社会转型,从一个以社区观念(伴随着社会和道德义务观念)为基础的社会,到一个自利的社会。第二篇文章发表在《社会历史》上,从家长作风的角度来看待这些争论。泰勒表明,对穷人的责任优先于个人利益。参与管理收费玉米的权威人物对穷人负有家长式的责任——尽管,正如她所说,他们并不总是心甘情愿或善意地这样做。因此,粮食收费费的政治标志着它清楚地划分了社会秩序和穷人的从属地位。一系列的文章聚焦于早期现代英语的幸福生活。海尔伍德的一篇文章重新引起了人们对读写能力的关注。黑尔伍德关注的不是完整的签名识字,而是那些学者们传统上认为是“文盲”的人在证词中留下的痕迹。他把我们的注意力吸引到识字的子类别上,这些子类告诉我们更多关于初生识字社会的写作和阅读实践。他特别指出,人们对字母(他称之为“letteracy”)和用笔能力的认可度越来越高。近年来,人们开始关注早期现代饮食文化。塔弗纳和弗莱文的一篇文章通过16世纪对都柏林城堡(英国首席官员之一威廉·菲茨威廉爵士的住所)的描述,为食品、成本和做法提供了新的视角。塔弗纳和弗莱文表明,爱尔兰的精英消费是发达的,商业活动与欧洲大陆很好地融合在一起。这篇文章提供了新的证据,证明了一位勋爵如何通过过度消费和丰盛的餐桌来展示早期英国帝国的权力。这两位作者与合著者Meltonville, Reid, Lawrence, Belloch-Molina和Morrissey的第二篇文章采用了一种激进的跨学科方法来理解啤酒及其在早期现代饮食中的地位。这篇文章联合了历史学家、实验考古学家、农学家、微生物学家、酿酒科学家、工匠、农民和酿酒师,利用早期的现代记录(同样来自都柏林城堡,一个巨大的、地位很高的爱尔兰家庭)重新创造了一种基于燕麦的啤酒。作者着手调查:“过去啤酒的酒精含量有多高?它能提供多少能量?”(第517页)这篇文章详细地阐述了再造啤酒的过程和实验结果。他们酿造的啤酒酒精含量(ABV)为5 - 5.3%,每品脱的能量含量为260-272千卡,与现代啤酒相当。尽管由于过程的不完善,作者们警告不要把这些数字作为新的基准,但他们初步得出结论,啤酒是现代早期英格兰重要的能量来源(尽管低于其他估计),而且考虑到每天喝几品脱啤酒,啤酒有可能导致严重的醉酒。信用的延长为吉卜林在伊丽莎白时期的普通上诉法院的3500多起债务诉讼案件提供了一个深入研究的框架。作者追踪了伊丽莎白时期苏塞克斯从事借贷的人的特征,揭示了涉及债务诉讼的大多数诉讼当事人都低于绅士阶层,来自全国各地及其近邻。作者提出了与伦敦的联系,指出从首都向郡县商人提供信贷的普遍现象。从长远来看,贫困和家庭消费是霍雷尔发表的一篇文章的重点。她使用链式拉斯佩尔方法为1260年至1869年间的普通家庭构建了一个价格指数,该方法考虑了家庭支出随时间变化的模式。 作者为前工业化时期编制的指数,与那些依赖艾伦固定消费篮子的指数密切一致。因此,她证实了艾伦的消费者价格指数(CPI)是生活成本和实际工资的可靠指标。霍雷尔认为,这一时期的两个指数都反映了家庭对农产品的依赖,而农产品的价格也表现出了类似的协同波动。价格跟随农业产出,这意味着随着时间的推移,家庭消费的发展对生活成本的影响很小。然而,工业化使家庭支出从农产品转向进口杂货和制成品。这破坏了相互依赖。经济增长和收入增加导致生活成本偏离了艾伦的一篮子体面指标,使得他的CPI在后期变得不那么可靠。贫困和生活成本也是Waddell的一篇文章的焦点。他通过将17世纪90年代的经济危机置于聚光灯下,探讨了进步的概念及其在早期近代史中的意义。瓦德尔将经济困难与斯图尔特晚期扩张和光荣革命的典型叙事进行了对比。瓦德尔探讨了这十年中法国战争、硬币削减、歉收和价格上涨对经济的影响,他提醒我们要警惕,不要把17世纪晚期简单地看作是一个进步和经济成功的故事。面对这样的经济和社会困境,早期现代社会可能感到无能为力。然而,近年来,近代早期上访的力量正处于鼎盛时期,学术界将其作为了解普通人社会政治生活的窗口,得到了极大的扩展。伯内特的一篇文章通过1589年至1700年间斯塔福德郡和伍斯特郡192份集体请愿书的样本,探讨了邻里关系的衰落。她认为,与其说这些请愿书与17世纪社区合作正在衰落的观点相矛盾,不如说它们讲述了一个关于集体认同和相互支持以及个人主义目标的故事。请愿者聚集签名者,支持他们邻居的事业,同时也在他们的签名中把自己标记为个人,并通过集体请愿寻求个人融合。她认为,两者都不应该被看作是相互排斥的,把两者放在一起会使我们对睦邻关系的理解复杂化。罗兹的一篇文章也把请愿书作为研究早期现代婚姻关系的来源基础。罗德斯对1660年至1700年间从兰开夏郡收集的127份请愿书中的37份进行了研究,记录了夫妻分居但仍保持婚姻关系。她关注的是被遗弃或潜逃的妻子,她们与丈夫保持联系,并以请愿作为向(通常是虐待她们的)丈夫索要赡养费的手段。这篇文章揭示了导致这些女性离开的环境,她们如何应对分居,以及社会对分居夫妇的普遍接受。Chaffin和Wallis在一篇文章中也提到了请愿。将金匠学徒向市长法院提交的要求提前解雇的请愿书与金匠公司的学徒记录联系起来,本文探讨了学徒的合同框架,并提供了对服装公司学徒登记册差距的估计。对请愿书的分析表明,来自城里的学徒和与马车公司有父系关系的学徒更频繁地利用市长法庭。作者发现法院被用于师傅和学徒之间的谈判和和解过程,法院的决议是临时的,而不是绝对的。向市长法院上诉可以帮助抵消被解雇学徒可能承受的名誉损失。几个可能为自由人的妻子工作的女学徒作为公司的成员请愿,但没有出现在学徒登记册上。因此,作者在学徒的记录和漏报中发现了一个基于性别的盲点,涂装公司的漏报影响了大约二十分之一(女性学徒的情况更为严重)。在帕特森关于17世纪早期英国淀粉垄断的文章中,研究请愿的趋势很明显。帕特森通过1608年杂货公司在伦敦市长的支持下对新成立的淀粉制造商公司的请愿书探索了垄断的运作和控制。淀粉制造商公司垄断了淀粉的生产。 她追溯了公司在请愿书中使用的围绕垄断的修辞,探索了它如何利用当代自由的语言,并提出了淀粉生产的解决方案。他们并没有建议食品杂货公司自己生产淀粉,而是提出了一个符合王室利益的方案:完全禁止国内生产(从而确保食用小麦不会浪费在淀粉生产上),并允许自由进口。相比之下,淀粉制造商公司反驳了请愿书的每一点,声称自己不是在限制淀粉生产(只要淀粉不是用小麦制成的),实际上是贫穷的淀粉制造商的坚定支持者(与贪婪的杂货公司相比)。虽然杂货商的请愿没有成功,但这份文件让我们了解到,贸易商试图应对垄断和预测带来的经济挑战。虽然请愿提供了社会与国家互动的证据,但有几篇文章关注的是国家行使其控制的方式。公民控制是麦克谢弗里一篇文章的主题,他从零散的档案记录中拼凑了1517年经常被引用但通常未被充分研究的“邪恶五一”骚乱的过程。麦克谢弗里追溯了伦敦学徒对外国工匠的反移民和仇外情绪,这种情绪引发了骚乱。她指出,在伦敦公会学徒发现他们的特权被侵蚀之前,仇外情绪就已经形成了。她认为,荷兰和法国是特别的目标。对暴乱者的严厉惩罚(叛国罪,被判死刑,因为暴乱被认为是对权威的攻击)是国王对他所看到的城市治理不力的回应,也是王室专制的象征。戴尔的一篇文章通过1515年斯塔福德郡的一起谋杀案探讨了贵族荣誉和R.H.托尼在16世纪的“农业问题”。这场纠纷起因于据称属于农夫亨利·弗莱克特的一堆粪堆,当他的仆人试图把它拿走时,他为自己对粪堆的所有权进行了辩护,反对汉弗莱·沃克先生。Dyer展示了这些土地紧张局势如何导致沃克维护自己的权威,确保“没有地位较低的人会质疑他对仆人的权威”(第20页)。弗莱克特付出了生命的代价。戴尔认为,这个案例还揭示了有效执法的缺乏,尤其是在那些地位较高的人中间。最后,虽然封锁和隔离的主题在当代新闻中有所减少,但早期现代鼠疫的经验和管理继续产生新的出版物。Udale的一篇文章通过对布里斯托尔三波鼠疫的案例研究,探讨了1578年国家检疫法的实施。Udale利用教区登记册的数据,比较了1565年和1575年发生的瘟疫与1604年法律颁布后爆发的瘟疫的家庭死亡率模式。他发现1604年(1578年瘟疫命令之后)的死亡率明显高于前两次爆发,掩埋地更紧密地集中在城市所有地区的家庭群体中。1604年,隔离措施主要集中在城市统治者居住的中心富裕地区,这表明公民精英首先要保护自己。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Review of periodical literature for 2023: (iii) 1500–1700

The year 2023 saw many publications in the fields of early modern economic and social history. The articles discussed in this round-up cover topics which have been a mainstay over recent years, including histories of labour (especially women's work), colonialism, and slavery. Agrarian history has lately gained renewed attention, and once again featured in this year's scholarship. A notable cluster of articles focused on what petitions – of which large collections survive – can tell us about the early modern economy, society, and the state. The gender split of authors was roughly equal this year, a testament to the rich and diverse topics that this year's articles cover.

Labour history was the focus of several articles. The hiring of over 1000 unskilled workers for the rebuilding of St Paul's Cathedral in London between 1672 and 1748 is the subject of an article by Paker, Stephenson, and Wallis. Applying econometric analysis to records of labourers hired, the authors find that hiring practices ‘encouraged retention and reduced turnover, giving a core group of laborers more work, priority in rehiring after slowdowns, and access to additional ways to earn.’ (p. 1101). Over time, the share of ‘new’ workers (i.e. those who had not previously worked on St Paul's) fell (p. 1110). Casual, transient work was not the pattern of hiring here at St Paul's; rather, the length of time a worker had been employed was rewarded with additional labour opportunities.

A synthesis of recent publications on work and identity is offered in an article by Hailwood and Waddell. In particular, the article draws attention to recent scholarship on the breadth of working identities that moves beyond categorizing people into ‘sorts’. The authors call for future scholarship which comparatively analyses types of sources (e.g. self-created versus indirect evidence) as well as how working identities might intersect with ‘time, place, gender, forms of labour, and race’ (p. 158). An article by McVitty contributes to this growing scholarship on work and identity. She exposes a pre-modern culture of sexual misconduct and gendered violence in the legal profession through close study of a range of legal records (court records, internal records of Inns of Court, and public proclamations) in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century England. While junior practitioners regularly participated in these behaviours, she argues, senior practitioners were responsible for condoning it (as well as sometimes participating) and shifting the blame to women. Although the legal community punished offenders, prosecution primarily sought to shield reputation and evade public consequences. Sexual misconduct and gendered violence contributed to the forging of tightly bound homosocial bonds that endure and persist within the legal profession today. To understand modern scandals of sexual misconduct within the common law profession, McVitty maintains, we must critically analyse inherited traditions.

Articles on women's work have become a strength of early modern economic and social history in recent years. This year, three articles on care work were published. In the first, Shepard traces care work activities of ‘working mothers’ in London from 1675–1800. Identifying incidences of ‘nurse’ (and its variants) in the Proceedings of the Old Bailey Online, Shepard finds that care work was dispersed broadly across a range of women (and sometimes men) in a variety of arrangements. Both a ‘form of pragmatic provision’ and a ‘commercial endeavour’ (p. 18), it was by no means exclusively carried out by the birth mother. In a second article, Mansell also uses court records as a window onto care work. Taking a microhistorical approach, she traces the end-of-life care received by a seventeenth-century unmarried man in Herefordshire. Through the articulations of care work and its value made by the litigant parties and the witnesses who testified on their behalf, she argues that the labour of care – both remunerated and unpaid, and physical and emotional – was economically valued in early modern England. A third article by Fox and Brazier focuses on the profession of midwifery, placing the seventeenth-century oath that midwives were required to swear under the microscope. The authors show that the oaths – a legal instrument of regulation – reveal what was important to both birthing women and to parish authorities. As officeholders themselves, midwives were ‘active participants in state formation’ (p. 248), and the authors note their crucial role in establishing what we might today see as an ethical code of midwifery.

A special issue on Scottish women's and gender history in The Scottish Historical Review this year contained three articles of interest to social and economic of the early modern period. The first, authored by Mason, focuses on women's property ownership. According to Scots law, a man could not sell property his wife brought to the marriage nor that jointly acquired during marriage without her consent. This consent was recorded by her signature on the deed and a private examination. Using a sample of approximately 1600 private examinations of seventeenth-century women in Glasgow, Inverness, and St Andrews, Mason questions how far the requirement of married women to consent to these sales constrained their husbands’ power over property. While we cannot know how many women were coerced into the private examination, Mason nonetheless argues that the procedure itself represents the legal importance placed on married women's consent in property transactions and the protection the courts offered them. Women did not hand over their consent freely, she finds. Many exchanged it for other property. Seventeenth-century married women, therefore, were not excluded from legal and economic processes. Sixteenth-century married women were the subject of an article in the same issue by Beattie (with Spence). The article explores the voluminous testamentary archive for sixteenth-century Scotland, finding that around one-third of wills were made by women. Through careful recategorization of those listed in the National Records for Scotland catalogue as ‘sometimes spouses’ from widows to married women, the authors show that wives made up the largest proportion of female testators. A sample of married women's wills shows that they rarely mentioned a husband's consent, were regularly able to bequeath their half or third portion of household goods, and that the clothing and jewellery they left could be extremely valuable. Significantly, the authors find that the women used language of community of property between husband and wife. A third article by Spence examines 2000 wills produced between 1560 and 1600. She argues that women who made wills were well aware of what was theirs to bequeath and that these documents should be read not just as formulaic or prescribed. Rather, they offer something of women's ‘voices’. Spence argues for three distinct ways in which these voices can be heard: firstly, in women naming their executors; second, in their instructions of how to care for children and stepchildren; and thirdly, through the items they left to others in the latter will and legacy sections of their testaments. Using wills from this perspective, she argues, shifts the focus away from other studies that show how women used their voices for ill to those who used their authoritative voices to advance the family position.

An article by Brock sheds new light on women's relationship to early modern trade and empire in Asia. The article focuses on the mercantile activities of one woman – Martha Parker – who operated as a merchant with the East India Company (EIC) in the second half of the seventeenth century. She was not alone. Over 1300 women had commercial interactions with EIC between 1600 and 1757, Brock shows. Women's commercial networks and practices within the EIC were key in shaping the Company's structure. Particularly upon their husband's deaths, women were agents in expanding their personal and household economies, accessing networks and using their existing knowledge of trading companies and mercantile business.

This was one of several articles this year that expanded our understanding of trade, mercantilism, and the global economy. An article by Bromley shifts our focus from ideas of the ‘centre city’ to the ‘centre country’ in thinking about transnational mercantile networks and global knowledge. Through a close study of trading company debates in the 1690s, the article positions mercantilism as ‘a process of interaction between private interests that stretched beyond London across England and the wider world’ (p. 748). Global knowledge, Bromley finds, was not limited to England's port cities, or domestic/overseas sites held by colonial administrators or Companies. Contribution to public interest, he argues, was asserted ‘by drawing links between private interests and national employment’ (p. 771) and a trade's capacity to support domestic employment. He draws attention to the importance of the middling sorts’ economic beliefs, expressed through the documents they left behind and particularly petitions (a source which we will see attracted great attention this year).

The 1604 Treaty of London and the ending of the Anglo-Spanish War was the subject of an article by Gajda. In this article, Gajda sheds light on the importance of merchants’ economic concerns scaffolded in the treaty. She points to the multi-layered and often competing interests of different mercantile groups. Some sought to recover finances lost through war, while others had directly benefited from war. Gadja closely analyses the manuscript tracts produced in making way for peace and is attentive to the lobbies made on both sides to the commissioners for peace negotiations by both individuals and companies. She argues that their attempts to influence the terms of the treaty ‘heralded a new and highly significant indicator of the wider public and central role that commercial concerns now held and would continue to play in the mainstream political life of the nation’ (p. 466). Merchants were also the subject of a piece by Papini. Her study of the accounts of Italian portraitist Antonio Franchi concentrates on the high volume of business he received in the late seventeenth century from British merchants and captains living and working in the port city of Livorno and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. She finds that, despite being notoriously expensive in Livorno, Franchi charged more favourable rates for his portraits than English painters. Meanwhile, the swelling British maritime community in Livorno and Tuscany encouraged artists to move to and work there.

The navigation and operation of trade was also the subject of several articles. Jopling questions the usefulness of the term ‘Jamaica discipline’ to describe a set of ideas followed by Anglo-American privateering and pirate groups in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Jopling contests the received narrative that these groups were egalitarian and anti-authoritarian, highlighting instead fragmentation and core differences amongst privateers and pirates. He points to evidence of their intentions to embed themselves within colonial society to legitimize their activities. The social norms these groups adhered to were flexible and inconsistent, rather than constituting any kind of Jamaica discipline. In an article for a forum titled ‘Risk and Uncertainty in the Early Modern World’ published in the same journal, Reid focuses on ideas of risk and profit in British Atlantic merchant shipping. Evolutionary – rather than revolutionary – shifts in shipping technology characterize the British Atlantic maritime economy, he argues. The size of ships, for example, remained consistent throughout the period 1600–1800 due to risk associated with large ships travelling at speed. Instead, fleets grew to ensure the maritime economy remained buoyant. Reid argues for technological conservatism in explaining productivity of British merchant shipping.

An article by Ruderman and van Waijenburg explores the revocation of the Royal African Company's (RAC) monopoly in 1698, and particularly the Company's response to its loss in trading privileges. The authors code and analyse the highly systematized format (including stock phrases and repeated commands) of an almost complete set of 292 instruction letters sent by the RAC to its slave-ship captains on trips to West Africa between 1685 and 1706. Innovative coding offers countless insights into the Company's operation, many of which are beyond the scope of the article. Focusing on the 1698 revocation of the monopoly, the authors find that the Company operated with high organizational flexibility both before and immediately after, responding to changes and adopting new measures for more efficient management of the trade in enslaved African people. The infrastructure of the trade itself – especially slave-ship captains who continually sailed the West African coast – could be mobilized to monitor the activities of the RAC's principal agents at West African forts, and report back evidence of factors cheating the Company in the face of the collapse of the monopoly. The RAC, the authors argue, fought to maintain their position until they ran to standstill.

The navigation of imperial projects also featured in an article by Smith which explores the attempted replacement of Irish legal strategies by English planters in Collymore, County Cork. Legal tensions arose between two prevailing legal systems: on the one hand, customary practices of Gaelic lordship and partible inheritance (including tanistry, in which lordship descends to the most eligible relative or heir, rather than a direct patrilineal descendant) and, on the other, primogeniture and other Anglican legal mechanisms. Smith argues that, through routine legal cases such as inheritance disputes and chancery suits, Gaelic lords recast (but also rearticulated) their authority in the English vocabulary of the law. Tensions rumbled on for almost a century, but the rhetorical shifts Irish lords made in redefining their own sense of lordship kept them in dialogue with English law and practice, thereby changing ‘the terms on which the Tudor-Stuart state interacted with them, carving out new spaces and developing new strategies within the evolving and increasingly fraught environment of plantation Munster.’ (p. 58)

This year was a bumper year for articles on global capitalism, race, and colonial exploitation. The enslaved racialized labour that the transatlantic trade relied upon was the topic of an article by Roper. The author contends that the commonplace assumption that labour preferences in English colonial America shifted from indentured service to slavery are overblown. The trafficking and enslavement of Africans and natives was a fundamental part of English colonization from as early as the 1610s and only the development of large-scale trafficking determined the numbers of Africans in Anglo-America. This was not a shift in planter attitudes towards a colonial labour force, he argues. Rather, it was a question of access to African people. An article by Smith draws out important nuances in how the servant institution was conceptualized in relation to slavery, arguing that – according to devotional literature and servant manuals – the obedient servant performed Christian liberty, while the servant who resisted resembled African plantation slaves or galley slaves rowing for Muslim masters. Wage labour and servants who became ‘hirelings’ (living at their own liberty and hiring themselves out as they wished) could even be portrayed as being worse than a slave. This racialized rhetoric, Smith argues, fed into the formation of an obedient white working class in pre-industrial England.

An article by Stock considers British perceptions of Asia through a study of 350 geography books (including geographical reference works, gazetteers, encyclopaedias, and schoolbooks) between 1652 and 1832. Stock argues that these books circulated ideas about Asia in popular literate culture, with a readership that ranged from school children to ‘armchair tourists’ and actual travellers (p. 123). Of interest to social and economic historians is Stock’s conclusion that, for most of these texts, ‘Asia's past facilitates contemporary Europe, and Asia's present and future enables further European growth’ (p. 132). Nonetheless, while Asia's resource-rich lands offer premium conditions for generating economically advanced cultures, societal mismanagement has left these resources wasted and therefore ripe for economic exploitation.

Colonial exploitation was also the subject of an article by Bennett. The article focuses on the EIC's imperial project of developing a plantation system on St Helena, a South Atlantic island off the coast of Africa. Bennett traces the EIC's ambitions in mirroring of Barbadian sugar cultivation system, an economic model based on intensive farming and violent labour management. In St Helena, they tried sugar, indigo, cotton, and saltpetre. Caribbean models were, Bennett argues, of wider geographical significance. He offers brief glimpses of speculative plantation schemes beyond the Cape of Good Hope proposed in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. An article by Menzin interrogates the link between sugar products and capitalism. The English demand for sugar, she argues, was a key causal factor in English imperialism and, as a driver for the industrial revolution, should be given equal importance to the expansion of production in laying imperialist groundwork. Menzin highlights the importance of New England, in supplying the Barbadian sugar society (with wood for homes and foodstuffs, for example) and as a consumer. Evidence from account books, court and probate records, government documents, and narrative sources integrates sugar product consumption in Massachusetts Bay from the mid-seventeenth century into the story of English imperialism led by demand.

Early modern agrarian histories and histories of the land market produced a smattering of articles this year. An article by Leech focused on urbanization in Coventry, drawing new attention to the dual importance of dissolution and the Reformation in processes of land acquisition and enclosure of commons. Leech shows that, by the 1550s, the corporation of the city had taken possession of much of the land in and around Coventry, justifying enclosure and its investment into civic obligations as improving the commonwealth. An article by Bottomley offers a detailed investigation of property rights of minors through the Court of Wards between 1540 and 1660. The article argues that the Crown's re-imposition of wardship – whereby the Crown could take the lands of a minor into its wardship as well as the minor themselves – undermines property rights in this period. Although most people's land was never taken under wardship, rates of wardship nonetheless rose and its threat undermined the ability to freely and wholly enjoy a property. The Crown, Bottomley argues, manipulated wardship as a means to increase its own income (though maladministration meant that this revenue was largely lost). Wardships were sold, which had economic consequences upon the land. Values dropped as guardians stripped the land of its assets.

Agrarian management was the subject of an article by Sørensen who uses farming manuals and books to embed ideas of thrift, industriousness, and improvement within sixteenth- and seventeenth-century discourse. He argues that a shift in thought around how agriculture should be managed took place at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Thrift – which invoked ideas of household or farm management within a localized community – was gradually replaced by a national, more impersonal discourse of improvement and industriousness. Greater cooperation between agrarian improvers and the state was envisaged by the mid-seventeenth century. Agricultural labourers were virtually removed from the picture, imagined as ‘factors of production’ (p. 569) rather than part of the household family.

Two articles by Taylor reinvigorate the subject of early modern market tolls on grain. The first article, published in The Historical Journal, offers a close study of disputes over grain tolls in marketplaces (which included disputes over changes in existing toll collection practices, introduction of new practices, and evasion of toll payment). Taylor finds that tolls represented an ‘increasingly ambiguous position within early modern English economic culture’ (p. 928). Taylor argues that, far from being unimportant to economic life, they are emblematic of a complex transition from a society in which bargaining was predicated on ideas of community (which was accompanied by ideas of social and moral obligation) to self-interest. The second article, appearing in the pages of Social History, takes these same disputes and looks at them through the lens of paternalism. Taylor shows that duty towards the poor took precedence over the interests of private individuals. Figures of authority who were involved in managing toll corn had a paternalistic responsibility to the poor – though, as she argues, they did not always do so willingly or kindly. The politics of grain toll collection therefore mark it out as clearly demarcating the social order and the subordination of the poor.

A series of articles focused on the well-being of the early modern English. Literacy received renewed attention in an article by Hailwood. Focusing not on full signature literacy but on marks left on the page in depositions by those whom scholars would have traditionally deemed ‘illiterate’, Hailwood draws our attention to subcategories of literacy that tell us something more about writing and reading practices in a society of nascent literacy. In particular, he points to the more widespread recognition of letters (which he terms ‘letteracy’) and pen competency.

Over recent years, there has been an emerging focus on early modern food cultures. An article by Taverner and Flavin sheds new light on food stuffs, costs, and practices through the sixteenth-century accounts of Dublin Castle, residence of one of England's chief officeholders, Sir William Fitzwilliam. Taverner and Flavin show that elite consumption in Ireland was advanced, with mercantile activity well integrated into mainland Europe. The article offers new evidence of how a lord deputy strained to demonstrate early English imperial power through excessive consumption and a bountiful table. A second article by these two authors with co-authors Meltonville, Reid, Lawrence, Belloch-Molina, and Morrissey takes a radical, interdisciplinary approach to understand beer and its place in early modern diets. The article unites historians, experimental archaeologists, agronomists, microbiologists, brewing scientists, craftworkers, farmers, and maltsters to recreate an oat-based beer using early modern records (again from Dublin Castle, a large, high-ranking Irish home). The authors set out to investigate: ‘how alcoholic was beer in the past and how much energy did it provide?’ (p. 517) The article carefully sets out the process of recreating the beer and the experiment results. The beer they brewed had an alcohol by volume (ABV) of 5–5.3 per cent and an energy content of 260–272 kCal per pint, figures comparable to modern beers. Despite cautioning against taking these figures as new benchmarks due to imperfections in the process, the authors tentatively conclude that beer was an important source of energy in early modern England (though lower than other estimates) and that – given several pints were being drunk per day – had the potential to cause significant inebriation.

The extension of credit offered a framework for the close study of over 3500 debt suit entries in the Elizabethan Court of Common Pleas by Kipling. The author tracks the characteristics of those engaged in borrowing and lending in Elizabethan Sussex, revealing that most litigants involved in debt suits were below the level of the gentry and came from across the county and its immediate neighbours. The author draws out connections to London, pointing to the prevalence of credit being extended to county merchants from the capital.

Poverty and household consumption in the long run was the focus of an article published by Horrell. She constructs a price index for ordinary households running from 1260–1869 using a chained-Laspeyres methodology that accounts for changing patterns of household expenditure over time. The author produces indices for the pre-industrial period that are align closely with those reliant on Allen's fixed consumption basket. She therefore confirms Allen's consumer price index (CPI) as a reliable indicator of living costs and real wages. Both indices for this period, Horrell argues, reflect households’ dependence on agrarian products whose prices demonstrated similar co-movements. Prices followed the output of agriculture, meaning that the development of the household consumption bundle over time had little impact on the cost of living. Industrialization, however, brought a shift in household expenditures away from agrarian products and towards imported groceries and manufactured goods. This undermined the co-dependency. Economic growth and rising incomes caused cost of living to drift from Allen's basket of respectability, making his CPI less reliable for the later period. Poverty and cost of living was also the focus of an article by Waddell. He explores the idea of progress and what it means in early modern history by placing the economic crises of the 1690s under the spotlight. Waddell contrasts economic hardships with typical narratives of late Stuart expansion and the Glorious Revolution. Exploring the economic impact of the French wars, coin clipping, failed harvests, and rising prices in this decade, Waddell reminds us to be wary in viewing the late seventeenth century simply as a story of progress and economic success.

In the face of such economic and social hardship, early modern society may have felt powerless. However, the power of early modern petitioning has been enjoying its heyday in recent years, with scholarship expanding enormously in using it as window onto socio-political lives of ordinary people. An article by Burnett explores the decline of neighbourliness through a sample of 192 collectively produced petitions from Staffordshire and Worcestershire between 1589 and 1700. She argues that, rather than seeing these petitions as contradictory to the idea that communal cooperation was waning in the seventeenth century, they tell a story of both collective identity and mutual support as well as individualistic aims. Petitioners gathered signatories and supported their neighbours’ causes while also marking themselves out as individuals in their signatures and seeking individual integration through collective petitioning. Neither should be seen as mutually exclusive, she argues, and taking both together complicates our understanding of neighbourliness. An article by Rhodes also takes petitions as a source base for examining early modern marital relations. Rhodes adds to scholarship on marital breakdown, exploring 37 of a total of 127 petitions collected from Lancashire between 1660 and 1700 recorded couples living apart while remaining married. She focuses on deserted or absconded wives who remained in contact with their husbands and used petitioning as a means to procure maintenance from their (often abusive) husbands. The article sheds light on the circumstances that led these women to leave, how they coped with separation, and the widespread acceptance within society of estranged couples.

Petitioning also featured in an article by Chaffin and Wallis. Connecting petitions submitted by goldsmith apprentices to the Lord Mayor's Court for early discharge with the apprenticeship records of the Goldsmiths’ Company, the article explores the contractual framework of apprenticeship as well as providing estimates for gaps in livery company apprenticeship registers. Analysis of the petitions shows that apprentices from within the city and with paternal ties to the livery company more frequently made use of the Lord Mayor's Court. The authors find the court was used in processes of negotiation and reconciliation between masters and apprentices, and that court resolutions were provisional not absolute. Appealing to the Lord Mayor's Court could assist in offsetting the reputational cost discharged apprentices might bear. Several female apprentices who were probably working for the freeman's wife petitioned as members of the Company but did not appear in the apprenticeship registers. The authors therefore identify a gender-based blind spot in the records and undercounting of apprentices, with under-registration by livery companies affecting around 1 in 20 (and more acutely for female apprentices).

The trend in studying petitions is apparent in Paterson's article on the monopoly of starch in early seventeenth century England. Paterson explores the operation and control of monopolies through a petition made by the Grocers’ Company in 1608 with the support of the Lord Mayor of London against the newly incorporated Starchmakers’ Company, who held the monopoly on the production of starch. She traces the rhetoric around monopolization that the Companies used in their petitioning, exploring how it drew on the contemporary language of liberty as well as proposing a solution to the production of starch. Rather than suggesting the Grocers’ Company themselves might produce starch, they suggested a scheme of interest to the Crown: the banning of domestic production altogether (thereby ensuring edible wheat was not wasted on starch production) and free importation. The Starchmakers’ Company, by contrast, refuted each point of the petition, presenting themselves not as restricting starch production (so long as it was not made of wheat) and in fact as staunch supporters of the poor starch-makers (in comparison to the greedy Grocers’ Company). While the Grocers’ petition was unsuccessful, the document offers insight into traders’ attempts to navigate the economic challenges posed by monopolization and projection.

While petitions offer evidence of societal interaction with the state, several articles focused on ways in which the state exercised its control. Civic control was the subject of an article by McSheffrey, who pieces together the proceedings of the oft quoted but routinely understudied 1517 Evil May Day riots from scattered archival records. McSheffrey traces the anti-immigration and xenophobic feeling amongst London apprentices against alien artisans that sparked the riots. She points to the climate of xenophobia that was building before the riots as London guild apprentices found their special privileges eroded. The Dutch and the French, she argues, were particular targets. The harsh penalty meted out to the rioters (treason, which came with the death penalty, as the riots were framed as an attack on authority) was a response by the King to what he saw as poor government by the city and as a symbol of royal autocracy. An article by Dyer explores gentry honour and R.H. Tawney's sixteenth-century ‘agrarian problem’ through a Staffordshire murder case of 1515. The dispute arose over a dung heap allegedly belonging to husbandman Henry Flackett, who defended his claim to the dung against the gentleman Humphrey Walker, when his servants attempted to take it away. Dyer shows how these agrarian tensions led to Walker asserting his authority, ensuring that ‘no-one of lower status would question his authority over his servants’ (p. 20). Flackett paid the ultimate price of his life. The case, Dyer argues, also reveals lack of effective law enforcement, particularly among those of higher status.

Finally, while the subjects of lockdowns and quarantines have eased up in contemporary news, the experience and management of early modern plague continues to generate new publications. An article by Udale explored the implementation of the 1578 national quarantine law through the case study of three waves of plague in Bristol. Using data from parish registers, Udale compares patterns of household mortality in plagues occurring in 1565 and 1575 with the post-law outbreak of 1604. He finds that mortality in 1604 (after the 1578 plague order) was substantially higher than in the two earlier outbreaks, with burials clustered more tightly into household groups across all areas of the city. In 1604, attempts to quarantine were particularly concentrated in central, more affluent parts of the city where the city's rulers lived, suggesting the civic elite sought to protect themselves first and foremost.

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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.60
自引率
27.30%
发文量
84
期刊介绍: The Economic History Review is published quarterly and each volume contains over 800 pages. It is an invaluable source of information and is available free to members of the Economic History Society. Publishing reviews of books, periodicals and information technology, The Review will keep anyone interested in economic and social history abreast of current developments in the subject. It aims at broad coverage of themes of economic and social change, including the intellectual, political and cultural implications of these changes.
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