英国地方政府的财政不稳定性

Q4 Social Sciences
Peter Eckersley
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引用次数: 0

摘要

进步评论》的读者,尤其是那些关注这期阐述工党新政府所面临的巨大挑战的读者,一定非常熟悉自 2010 年以来紧缩政策对公共领域造成的影响。1 伯明翰和诺丁汉等大城市接连发生地方政府 "破产 "事件,地方政府的首席财务官发布 "第 114 条通知",告知部长们在一个财政年度内他们的支出将超过收入(根据 1988 年《地方政府财政法》,这种做法是非法的),这只能说明问题已经变得非常普遍。归根结底,有关地方政府财政的问题涉及到地方政府本身的问题:地方政府是--或 应该是--做什么的,以及地方政府与政府中心的关系。议会应在多大程度上按照自己的意愿自由征税、花钱和规划地方?它们应该主要作为中央政策的执行部门而存在,还是在塑造地方社区方面也应发挥关键作用?归根结底,它们的存在是为了代表谁?英国的地方政府与其他地方的地方政府非常不同,因为它们往往覆盖广阔的地理区域和众多的人口,而这些并不总是与地方特性相一致。17 事实上,上届政府的发展方向也是如此,强调大型次区域都会市长和联合当局的作用。斯塔默和他的团队似乎也接受了这一观点,但在阐述他们对所谓 "传统 "地方政府的愿景时却显得不那么坦率。尽管如此,如果斯塔默的团队认识到议会在应对经济增长乏力、气候变化和地方性贫困等挑战时需要发挥的关键作用,那么在未来几年内,我们将看到英格兰地方政府的复兴。重建地方政府以及其他公共机构的能力将是一项艰巨的挑战,但这对于确保国家能够实现政府议程的所有部分是必要的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Financial precarity in English local government

Readers of Progressive Review, and particularly those drawn to an issue that sets out the scale of the challenges that face the new Labour government, will be very familiar with the impact that austerity has had on the public realm since 2010. These impacts have been particularly acute at the local level in England, and especially in deprived communities.1 A spate of local authority ‘bankruptcies’ in major cities such as Birmingham and Nottingham, which involve chief financial officers issuing ‘section 114 notices’ to inform ministers that their expenditure will exceed their revenue over the course of a financial year (something that is illegal under the Local Government Finance Act 1988), have only served to illustrate how widespread the problem has become.2

Ultimately, questions about local government finance touch on the issue of local government itself: what it is – or should be – for, and how it should relate to the centre of government. To what extent should councils be free to levy taxes, spend money and shape places as they wish? Should they exist primarily as delivery arms for central policies, or do they also have a key role to play in shaping local communities? Ultimately, whom do they exist to represent?

Local authorities in the UK are very unlike their counterparts elsewhere, in that they tend to cover large geographical areas and very large populations that do not always correspond to local identities. This is the result of a longstanding belief in the administrative superiority of larger governmental units, rather than any wish to ensure that local government represents identifiable local places.17

Indeed, the previous government's direction of travel continued in this direction, by emphasising the role of large, subregional metro mayors and combined authorities. Starmer and his team appear to have bought into this idea, and have been less forthcoming in setting out their vision for what we might call ‘traditional’ local government. Nonetheless, working on the basis that Starmer's team recognise the key role that councils need to play in addressing challenges such as lacklustre economic growth, climate change and endemic poverty, we could see a revitalisation of subnational government in England in the coming years. The challenge of rebuilding capacity within local authorities – as well as in other public bodies – will be difficult, but is necessary to ensure that the state can deliver on all parts of the government's agenda.

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来源期刊
IPPR Progressive Review
IPPR Progressive Review Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
43
期刊介绍: The permafrost of no alternatives has cracked; the horizon of political possibilities is expanding. IPPR Progressive Review is a pluralistic space to debate where next for progressives, examine the opportunities and challenges confronting us and ask the big questions facing our politics: transforming a failed economic model, renewing a frayed social contract, building a new relationship with Europe. Publishing the best writing in economics, politics and culture, IPPR Progressive Review explores how we can best build a more equal, humane and prosperous society.
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