空主题许可中的 D 特征还是省略号？来自巴西和欧洲葡萄牙语的证据

IF 0.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Probus Pub Date : 2024-09-09 DOI:10.1515/probus-2024-2010

Ana Maria Martins, Jairo Nunes

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引用次数: 0

摘要

Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders.2005.有小亲吗？来自芬兰语的证据。Linguistic Inquiry 36(4).533-564）以及 Holmberg 等人的修订版（Holmberg、Anders、Aarti Nayudu & Michelle Sheehan.2009.三种部分无效主体语言：巴西葡萄牙语、芬兰语和马拉地语的比较。Studia Linguistica 63(1).59-97）从有/无定义性特征的 T 与主语代词特征之间的相互作用中推导出特定语言中是否存在空主语。他们的理论预测存在一致的空主语语言（其 T 具有 D-特征）和部分空主语语言（其 T 缺乏 D-特征）。本文根据巴西葡萄牙语（一种部分无效主语语言）和欧洲葡萄牙语（一种一致的无效主语语言）提供的经验证据，对这种 D-特征无效主语方法进行了研究，结果表明，这种方法无法解释在不同的无效主语代词和 T 类型（有限分词 vs. 分词 vs. 动名词）方面观察到的一系列微观差异。我们认为，相比之下，马丁斯和努内斯（Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes.2021.巴西和欧洲葡萄牙语与 Holmberg 2005 年的空主语类型学。In Sergio Baauw, Frank Drijkoningen & Luisa Meroni (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2018.乌得勒支 "走向罗曼 "32 会议论文选，171-190。阿姆斯特丹和费城：John Benjamins）的表现要好一些。它保留了 Holmberg（Holmberg，Anders.2005.Is there a little pro?来自芬兰语的证据。Linguistic Inquiry 36(4).533-564 et seq.）的见解，即无效主语的许可取决于 T 的特征和主语代词的特征之间的相互作用，但只诉诸于 j 的特征和 Case。最重要的是，它依赖于一个（理论上和经验上）可信的假设，即抽象的 j 特征和动词一致形态之间的关系不一定是透明的。

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D-features or ellipsis in null subject licensing? Evidence from Brazilian and European Portuguese

Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564) and its revised version in Holmberg et al. (Holmberg, Anders, Aarti Nayudu & Michelle Sheehan. 2009. Three partial null-subject languages: A comparison of Brazilian Portuguese, Finnish, and Marathi. Studia Linguistica 63(1). 59–97) derive the availability of null subjects in a given language from the interaction between T with/without a D(efiniteness)-feature and the features of subject pronouns. Their theory predicts the existence of consistent null subject languages, whose T has the D-feature, and partial null subject languages, whose T lacks the D-feature. This paper examines this D-feature approach to null subjects against the empirical evidence provided by Brazilian Portuguese, a partial null subject language, and European Portuguese, a consistent null subject language, showing that it cannot account for the range of microvariation observed with respect to different null subject pronouns and the type of T (finite vs. participle vs. gerund). We argue that, in comparison, the ellipsis account of null subject licensing put forward in Martins and Nunes (Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes. 2021. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages. In Sergio Baauw, Frank Drijkoningen & Luisa Meroni (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2018. Selected papers from “Going Romance” 32, Utrecht, 171–190. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins) fares better. It retains from Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564 et seq.) the insight that the licensing of null subjects depends on the interaction between the features of T and the features of subject pronouns but resorts only to ϕ-features and Case. Crucially, it relies on the (theoretically and empirically) plausible assumption that the relation between abstract ϕ-features and verbal agreement morphology need not be transparent.

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Probus Multiple-

CiteScore

1.40

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0.00%

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期刊介绍： Probus is intended as a platform for the discussion of historical and synchronic research in the field of Latin and Romance linguistics, with special emphasis on phonology, morphology, syntax, language acquisition and sociolinguistics. The journal aims to keep its readers abreast of the developments in Romance linguistics by encouraging problem-oriented contributions that combine the solid empirical foundations of philological and linguistic work with the insights provided my modern theoretical approaches.