危机中的两个郡:罗伯特-J.-迪拉德(Robert J. Dillard)所著的《衡量重建时期得克萨斯州的政治变革》(评论

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
Kenneth W. Howell
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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 危机中的两个郡:罗伯特-J.-迪拉德(Robert J. Dillard)著,肯尼斯-W.-豪威尔(Kenneth W. Howell)译,《危机中的两个县:衡量重建时期德克萨斯州的政治变革》(Two Counties in Crisis:衡量重建时期德克萨斯州的政治变革。作者:Robert J. Dillard。(丹顿:北德克萨斯大学,2023 年。第 241 页。插图、地图、注释、参考书目、索引)。危机中的两个郡》利用 "一种将政治学理论与传统原始资料证据相结合的跨学科方法",为内战和重建时期得克萨斯州的政治史提供了新的视角,从而为 "孤星州重建失败的顽疾 "提供了 "更广阔的视角"(第 xii 页)。罗伯特-迪拉德(Robert Dillard)对当地政治进行了简明扼要的研究,令人信服地论证了科林县和哈里森县的政治文化在 1861 年至 1876 年间经历了重大变化。作者认为,这些变化源于由全州事件引发的反动政治,包括 1861 年的分裂危机、1861-1865 年间对邦联的支持以及 1876 年《德克萨斯宪法》的通过。迪拉德解释说,政治文化最初是由地理位置和移民模式形成的。例如,科林郡的居民生活在边疆地区,是从上南方移民过来的,这样的环境使他们更相信粗犷的个人主义,而不是与下南方传统种植园社会相关的 "南方精英观念"(第 32 页)。相反,位于得克萨斯州东部的哈里森县则大量居住着下南部移民,他们在经济上更依赖于使用奴隶劳动,并接受旧南方的文化价值观。这些文化差异导致科林县的选民在 1861 年强烈反对分裂,而他们东部的选民则强烈赞成分裂。然而,南北战争爆发后,科林县和哈里森县接受了面临共同敌人的事实,促使他们支持南方联盟。此外,战争结束后,这两个郡接受了一个新威胁的概念--共和党。对于科林县和哈里森县的公民来说,得克萨斯州共和党人,尤其是埃德蒙-J-戴维斯州长等党内知名领袖,成为联邦暴政的新象征。为此,这两个县在政治上一致反对共和党的政策,包括与民兵法案、州警察、铁路发展和州立学校系统相关的立法。这些立场与得克萨斯州的大多数选民一致,最终导致民主党在 1872 年的选举中获胜,戴维斯州长的政策被彻底废除。从 1874 年开始,民主党人要求取代 1869 年共和党宪法,两年后这一要求得以实现。随着 1876 年宪法的批准,迪拉德揭示了科林郡和哈里森郡的政治文化自 1861 年以来发生了多大的变化。在批准宪法的投票中,科林县采取了保守的政治立场,以 1,154 票对 88 票赞成新宪法;而哈里森县则以 2,338 票对 839 票的压倒性优势否决了拟议中的宪法。这两个郡的政治文化与战前截然相反。危机中的两个郡》经过精心研究,对 1861 年至 1876 年间德克萨斯州不断演变的政治格局提供了新的见解。学术界和非专业历史学家无疑都会称赞迪拉德,因为他努力解释了政治文化的演变是如何导致得克萨斯州共和党政策失败的,为重建政治中不断变化的政治风云提供了连续性。Kenneth W. Howell Blinn College 版权所有 © 2024 德州历史协会 ...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas by Robert J. Dillard (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas by Robert J. Dillard
  • Kenneth W. Howell
Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas. By Robert J. Dillard. ( Denton: University of North Texas, 2023. Pp. 241. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index).

Two Counties in Crisis provides new insights on the political history of Texas during the Civil War and Reconstruction eras by utilizing "an interdisciplinary approach that blends political science theory and the traditional primary-source evidence" to offer a "broader perspective on the persistent questions of Reconstruction's failure" in the Lone Star State (p. xii). In a concise examination of local politics, Robert Dillard convincingly argues that the political culture of Collin and Harrison counties went through major changes between 1861 and 1876. According to the author, these transformations resulted from reactionary politics triggered by statewide events, including the Secession crisis in 1861, support for the Confederacy between 1861–1865, and the adoption of the 1876 Texas Constitution.

Dillard explains that political culture was initially forged by geographical locations and migration patterns. For example, the citizens of Collin County lived on the frontier and had migrated from the Upper South, circumstances that led them to place more faith in rugged individualism than in "southern concepts of elitism" commonly associated with traditional southern plantation societies of the Lower South (p. 32). Conversely, Harrison County, situated in East Texas, was heavily populated with Lower South migrants, who were more economically dependent on the use of slave labor and embraced the cultural values of the Old South. These cultural differences led the voters of Collin County to vehemently oppose secession in 1861, while their eastern counterparts strongly favored disunion.

Once the Civil War erupted, however, Collin and Harrison counties accepted the fact that they faced a common enemy, prompting them to support the Confederacy. Furthermore, after the war ended, the counties embraced the concept of a new threat—the Republican Party. For the citizens of Collin and Harrison counties, Texas Republicans, especially prominent party leaders such as Gov. Edmund J. Davis, became the new symbols of federal tyranny. In response, these counties became politically aligned against Republican policies, including legislation related to the militia bill, the state police, railroad development, and a state school system. These positions were consistent with the majority of voters in Texas and eventually led to Democratic victories in the elections of 1872 and the complete dismantling of Governor Davis's policies.

Beginning in 1874, Democrats called for the replacement of the Republican Constitution of 1869, a feat which was accomplished two years later. With the ratification of the Constitution of 1876, Dillard reveals how much the political culture in Collin and Harrison counties had changed since 1861. By the time of the ratification vote, Collin County embraced a conservative political stance, voting 1,154 to 88 in favor of the new constitution; while Harrison County, which now included many new black voters, overwhelmingly rejected the [End Page 106] proposed constitution by 2,338 to 839 votes. In both cases, the political culture of the counties was opposite what it had been before the war.

Two Counties in Crisis is well researched and provides new insights into the evolving political landscape of Texas in the years between 1861 and 1876. Academic and lay historians will undoubtedly commend Dillard for his efforts to explain how the evolution of political culture contributed to the failure of Republican policies in Texas, providing continuity to the ever-shifting political sands of Reconstruction politics.

Kenneth W. Howell Blinn College Copyright © 2024 The Texas State Historical Association ...

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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
106
期刊介绍: The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, continuously published since 1897, is the premier source of scholarly information about the history of Texas and the Southwest. The first 100 volumes of the Quarterly, more than 57,000 pages, are now available Online with searchable Tables of Contents.
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