{"title":"反义词的转义","authors":"Florian Schäfer","doi":"10.1007/s11049-024-09612-w","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article discusses verbs of change that allow a formally transitive construal that, nevertheless, has anticausative semantics. Verbs forming such “transitive anticausatives” (e.g., <i>The water raised its temperature</i>) also form canonical anticausatives (cf. <i>The temperature of the water rose</i>). Such verbs differ from verbs that only form canonical anticausatives (cf. <i>The water warmed</i>) in that they do not lexicalize a fixed scale along which they measure change, so that the DP merged in the internal argument position of these verbs (a DP denoting a property concept like <i>the temperature</i>) can determine the actual scale of change. When these verbs form canonical anticausatives, the entity undergoing change along this scale is realized as the possessor of this internal argument DP. When these verbs form transitive anticausatives, the entity undergoing the change is realized in the verb’s canonical external argument position, where it is, however, not assigned any external argument role. Instead, as in the canonical anticausative variant, it is interpreted as the possessor of the internal argument DP. This possessive relation is overtly reflected in English and other languages where the subject of the transitive anticausative construal binds a possessive pronoun in the internal argument DP. After an illustration of the phenomenon in typologically different languages, the article lays out the above semantic properties of the transitive anticausative construal and the verbs occurring in it. It then subsumes transitive anticausatives under the theory of the causative alternation in Alexiadou et al. (2006, 2015) and Schäfer (2008). Particular attention is, thereby, given to the morphological marking that sets apart, in many languages, the lexical causative and the anticausative variant of (a subset of) alternating verbs (cf. English <i>raise</i>/<i>rise</i>). Transitive anticausatives show a theoretically challenging but informative behavior here. Even though the transitive anticausative construal expresses anticausative semantics, its verb necessarily features the morphological marking that is canonically associated with its lexical causative use. This suggests that the morphological difference often found between pairs of lexical causative and anticausative verbs is only indirectly related to causative and anticausative semantics but is ultimately determined by more abstract, syntactic properties.</p>","PeriodicalId":18975,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language & Linguistic Theory","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2024-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Anticausatives in transitive guise\",\"authors\":\"Florian Schäfer\",\"doi\":\"10.1007/s11049-024-09612-w\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>This article discusses verbs of change that allow a formally transitive construal that, nevertheless, has anticausative semantics. Verbs forming such “transitive anticausatives” (e.g., <i>The water raised its temperature</i>) also form canonical anticausatives (cf. <i>The temperature of the water rose</i>). Such verbs differ from verbs that only form canonical anticausatives (cf. <i>The water warmed</i>) in that they do not lexicalize a fixed scale along which they measure change, so that the DP merged in the internal argument position of these verbs (a DP denoting a property concept like <i>the temperature</i>) can determine the actual scale of change. When these verbs form canonical anticausatives, the entity undergoing change along this scale is realized as the possessor of this internal argument DP. When these verbs form transitive anticausatives, the entity undergoing the change is realized in the verb’s canonical external argument position, where it is, however, not assigned any external argument role. Instead, as in the canonical anticausative variant, it is interpreted as the possessor of the internal argument DP. This possessive relation is overtly reflected in English and other languages where the subject of the transitive anticausative construal binds a possessive pronoun in the internal argument DP. After an illustration of the phenomenon in typologically different languages, the article lays out the above semantic properties of the transitive anticausative construal and the verbs occurring in it. It then subsumes transitive anticausatives under the theory of the causative alternation in Alexiadou et al. (2006, 2015) and Schäfer (2008). Particular attention is, thereby, given to the morphological marking that sets apart, in many languages, the lexical causative and the anticausative variant of (a subset of) alternating verbs (cf. English <i>raise</i>/<i>rise</i>). Transitive anticausatives show a theoretically challenging but informative behavior here. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
本文讨论的变化动词允许形式上的及物构式,但却具有反及物动词语义。构成这种 "及物反身动词 "的动词(如:水温升高了)也构成规范反身动词(如:水温升高了)。这些动词与只构成规范反身动词的动词(如 The water warmed)的不同之处在于,它们并不把衡量变化的固定尺度词汇化,因此,合并在这些动词内部参数位置的 DP(表示像温度这样的属性概念的 DP)可以决定变化的实际尺度。当这些动词构成能动反身动词时,沿着这个尺度发生变化的实体就是这个内部参数 DP 的拥有者。当这些动词构成及物反身动词时,发生变化的实体是在动词的典型外部论点位置上实现的,但它不被赋予任何外部论点角色。相反,就像在典型反身动词变体中一样,它被解释为内部论点 DP 的拥有者。这种占有关系在英语和其他语言中都有明显的体现,在这些语言中,及物反义构式的主语在内部论点 DP 中绑定了一个占有代词。在对不同类型语言中的这一现象进行说明之后,文章阐述了及物反身构式的上述语义特性以及在其中出现的动词。然后,文章将及物反义构式归入 Alexiadou 等人(2006,2015)和 Schäfer(2008)的因果交替理论。因此,在许多语言中,词性因果关系和反因果关系变体的交替动词(参照英语 raise/rise)的形态标记受到了特别关注。及物动词的反义词在这里表现出一种理论上具有挑战性但信息量很大的行为。尽管及物反义构式表达的是反义语义,但其动词必然具有与词性因果关系相关的形态标记。这表明在成对的词性因果和反因果动词之间经常出现的形态差异只是与因果和反因果语义间接相关,而最终是由更抽象的句法属性决定的。
This article discusses verbs of change that allow a formally transitive construal that, nevertheless, has anticausative semantics. Verbs forming such “transitive anticausatives” (e.g., The water raised its temperature) also form canonical anticausatives (cf. The temperature of the water rose). Such verbs differ from verbs that only form canonical anticausatives (cf. The water warmed) in that they do not lexicalize a fixed scale along which they measure change, so that the DP merged in the internal argument position of these verbs (a DP denoting a property concept like the temperature) can determine the actual scale of change. When these verbs form canonical anticausatives, the entity undergoing change along this scale is realized as the possessor of this internal argument DP. When these verbs form transitive anticausatives, the entity undergoing the change is realized in the verb’s canonical external argument position, where it is, however, not assigned any external argument role. Instead, as in the canonical anticausative variant, it is interpreted as the possessor of the internal argument DP. This possessive relation is overtly reflected in English and other languages where the subject of the transitive anticausative construal binds a possessive pronoun in the internal argument DP. After an illustration of the phenomenon in typologically different languages, the article lays out the above semantic properties of the transitive anticausative construal and the verbs occurring in it. It then subsumes transitive anticausatives under the theory of the causative alternation in Alexiadou et al. (2006, 2015) and Schäfer (2008). Particular attention is, thereby, given to the morphological marking that sets apart, in many languages, the lexical causative and the anticausative variant of (a subset of) alternating verbs (cf. English raise/rise). Transitive anticausatives show a theoretically challenging but informative behavior here. Even though the transitive anticausative construal expresses anticausative semantics, its verb necessarily features the morphological marking that is canonically associated with its lexical causative use. This suggests that the morphological difference often found between pairs of lexical causative and anticausative verbs is only indirectly related to causative and anticausative semantics but is ultimately determined by more abstract, syntactic properties.
期刊介绍:
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