不只是反社会,还是非人道

IF 0.2 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
John Paul Ricco
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Good reasons might lie in the ongoing dismantling of the social welfare state, the privileging of the entrepreneurial individual in neoliberal political economy, the rise of anti-democracy movements and authoritarianism, and weekly mass shootings—all easily labelled as \"antisocial.\" But also because of the great amount and diversity of political action against sexual violence, gender discrimination and segregation, the assault on the very being of trans-subjects, the fight for reproductive rights and other forms of bodily autonomy, state and police violence, and the insistence within the polity that Black Lives Matter. In other words, all those activities whereby the political entails the fundamental questioning of the way in which the social is currently constituted (as discriminating, marginalizing, and inequitable), <em>and</em> whereby the social's configuration is radically re-imagined according to principles of justice for all.</p> <p>Looking back nearly twenty years to Robert Caserio's framing of \"the antisocial thesis in queer theory\" for the conference roundtable debate he organized at the MLA conference in 2005—and specifically his identification of Leo Bersani's book <em>Homos</em> as the Ur-text of that thesis, published ten years earlier (1995)—we note that a different yet historically related set of political attitudes motivated both Bersani's critique of the social as it was known and Caserio's interest in returning to that critique ten years later: the politics of respectability that had come to dominate gay and lesbian politics in the 1990s, a trend that shows no signs of subsiding (\"Love is love!\"). Meaning that Bersani's and Caserio's targets were the gay and lesbian policymakers of various stripes wanting to prove themselves and the cohort in whose name they spoke to be worthy and exemplary citizens and indeed patriots of the state (especially in, but not limited to the context of, the United States). In his 1997 lecture, \"Gay Betrayals,\" (a double-edged title that should be read as referring to both those gays and lesbians who betrayed the radical queer tradition by pursuing assimilationist politics, and to those queers who betrayed identity politics and the state-sanctioned sociality for which that politics works) Bersani scathingly takes aim at \"micro-politicians\": self-fashioned good citizens campaigning to become members of the most powerful institutions of state-based imperial, colonial, and capitalist power (military, church, marriage, and the family).<sup>1</sup> This was a politics driven by a desire no longer to be excluded but to belong and to be included, to willingly subscribe to the liberal utopianism of \"anticipatory progress\" and its pastoralizing promises of reparation and redemption, and to do one's part in advancing the future of this illusion and reproduction of the social, going so far as to fully inscribe oneself into the bio-political economy via biological reproduction. With the political goal seemingly to have been to render oneself indistinguishable from others (straights), Bersani was not mistaken to think that what this politics of recognition and respectability amongst gays and lesbians would inevitably lead to was exactly what hetero-patriarchy and the Christian conversative radical right wing in the States was simultaneously plotting: the eradication not only of homosexuality but also of homosexuals.</p> <p>It is undeniable that the political context of <em>Homos</em> and of the antisocial thesis has been entirely forgotten in the many critiques of either that book or that thesis over the past nearly three decades. Accused of being ahistorical, it is Bersani who has suffered from a degree of ahistoricism that should give us pause, especially as we contemplate many of the prevailing and dominant theoretical discourses today—including queer theory and its recent variants—oriented around the symbolic, the affirmation of identity, and the...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":55953,"journal":{"name":"POSTMODERN CULTURE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2024-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Not Just Antisocial, Inhuman\",\"authors\":\"John Paul Ricco\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/pmc.2023.a931357\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\\n<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Not Just Antisocial, Inhuman <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> John Paul Ricco (bio) </li> </ul> <p>Why the antisocial? 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Meaning that Bersani's and Caserio's targets were the gay and lesbian policymakers of various stripes wanting to prove themselves and the cohort in whose name they spoke to be worthy and exemplary citizens and indeed patriots of the state (especially in, but not limited to the context of, the United States). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 不仅仅是反社会,更是不人道 约翰-保罗-里科(简历 为什么是反社会?在 "孤独流行病 "肆虐的今天,社交媒体无处不在,COVID 隔离和社会疏远政策也在不断提醒人们,人类天生就是社会性和集体性的动物。那么,为什么我们现在要讨论反社会的概念及其后遗症(复数)呢?很好的理由可能在于社会福利国家的不断解体、新自由主义政治经济学对企业家个人的优待、反民主运动和专制主义的兴起以及每周发生的大规模枪击事件--所有这些都很容易被贴上 "反社会 "的标签。但是,这也是因为反对性暴力、性别歧视和隔离、对跨性别主体存在的攻击、争取生育权和其他形式的身体自主权、国家和警察暴力以及在政体中坚持 "黑人的生命很重要 "的政治行动的数量和多样性。换句话说,在所有这些活动中,政治意味着从根本上质疑当前社会的构成方式(歧视、边缘化和不公平),并根据人人享有公正的原则从根本上重新想象社会的构成。回首近二十年前,罗伯特-卡塞里奥(Robert Caserio)在 2005 年的 MLA 会议上组织的圆桌辩论中提出了 "同性恋理论中的反社会论题"--特别是他将十年前(1995 年)出版的利奥-贝尔萨尼(Leo Bersani)的《同性恋》(Homos)一书视为该论题的原型--我们注意到,贝尔萨尼对已知社会的批判以及卡塞里奥对十年后重返该批判的兴趣,都是由一系列不同但历史相关的政治态度激发的:1990年代主导男同性恋和女同性恋政治的受人尊敬的政治,这一趋势丝毫没有减弱的迹象("爱就是爱")!").也就是说,贝尔萨尼和卡塞里奥的目标是各色各样的男同性恋决策者,他们希望证明自己和他们所代表的群体是值得尊敬的模范公民,甚至是国家的爱国者(尤其是在美国,但不限于美国)。贝尔萨尼在 1997 年的演讲《同性恋的背叛》(这是一个双刃标题,应理解为既指那些因奉行同化政治而背叛激进同性恋传统的同性恋者,也指那些背叛身份政治和国家认可的社会性的同性恋者,而身份政治正是为这种政治服务的)中严厉地抨击了 "微观政治家":自命不凡的好公民在竞选中成为以国家为基础的帝国、殖民和资本主义权力机构(军队、教会、婚姻和家庭)中最强大的成员。1 这种政治的驱动力是,人们不再渴望被排斥,而是渴望归属和被包容,心甘情愿地认同自由主义乌托邦式的 "预期进步 "及其牧歌式的补偿和救赎承诺,并为推动这一幻象的未来和社会的再生产尽自己的一份力量,甚至通过生物繁殖将自己完全融入生物政治经济中。贝尔萨尼的政治目标似乎是使自己与他人(异性恋者)无异,他没有错,他认为这种在男女同性恋者中获得承认和尊重的政治必然会导致的结果正是异性恋父权制和美国基督教对话激进右翼同时谋划的:不仅消灭同性恋,而且消灭同性恋者。不可否认的是,在过去近三十年来对该书或该论题的众多批评中,《同性恋者》和反社会论题的政治背景被完全遗忘了。虽然贝尔萨尼被指责为缺乏历史感,但他的这种缺乏历史感应该引起我们的警惕,尤其是当我们思考当今许多流行和主流的理论话语时--包括同性恋理论及其最近围绕象征、身份确认和...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Not Just Antisocial, Inhuman
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Not Just Antisocial, Inhuman
  • John Paul Ricco (bio)

Why the antisocial? Given the pervasiveness of social media and constant reminders in the wake of COVID isolation and social-distancing policies and in the midst of "the loneliness epidemic" that human beings are innately social and communal creatures, the proposition of the antisocial, let alone any prospect of its relevance today, would seem to be implausible and improbable. So why would one want to take up the notion of the antisocial and its afterlives (in the plural) now? Good reasons might lie in the ongoing dismantling of the social welfare state, the privileging of the entrepreneurial individual in neoliberal political economy, the rise of anti-democracy movements and authoritarianism, and weekly mass shootings—all easily labelled as "antisocial." But also because of the great amount and diversity of political action against sexual violence, gender discrimination and segregation, the assault on the very being of trans-subjects, the fight for reproductive rights and other forms of bodily autonomy, state and police violence, and the insistence within the polity that Black Lives Matter. In other words, all those activities whereby the political entails the fundamental questioning of the way in which the social is currently constituted (as discriminating, marginalizing, and inequitable), and whereby the social's configuration is radically re-imagined according to principles of justice for all.

Looking back nearly twenty years to Robert Caserio's framing of "the antisocial thesis in queer theory" for the conference roundtable debate he organized at the MLA conference in 2005—and specifically his identification of Leo Bersani's book Homos as the Ur-text of that thesis, published ten years earlier (1995)—we note that a different yet historically related set of political attitudes motivated both Bersani's critique of the social as it was known and Caserio's interest in returning to that critique ten years later: the politics of respectability that had come to dominate gay and lesbian politics in the 1990s, a trend that shows no signs of subsiding ("Love is love!"). Meaning that Bersani's and Caserio's targets were the gay and lesbian policymakers of various stripes wanting to prove themselves and the cohort in whose name they spoke to be worthy and exemplary citizens and indeed patriots of the state (especially in, but not limited to the context of, the United States). In his 1997 lecture, "Gay Betrayals," (a double-edged title that should be read as referring to both those gays and lesbians who betrayed the radical queer tradition by pursuing assimilationist politics, and to those queers who betrayed identity politics and the state-sanctioned sociality for which that politics works) Bersani scathingly takes aim at "micro-politicians": self-fashioned good citizens campaigning to become members of the most powerful institutions of state-based imperial, colonial, and capitalist power (military, church, marriage, and the family).1 This was a politics driven by a desire no longer to be excluded but to belong and to be included, to willingly subscribe to the liberal utopianism of "anticipatory progress" and its pastoralizing promises of reparation and redemption, and to do one's part in advancing the future of this illusion and reproduction of the social, going so far as to fully inscribe oneself into the bio-political economy via biological reproduction. With the political goal seemingly to have been to render oneself indistinguishable from others (straights), Bersani was not mistaken to think that what this politics of recognition and respectability amongst gays and lesbians would inevitably lead to was exactly what hetero-patriarchy and the Christian conversative radical right wing in the States was simultaneously plotting: the eradication not only of homosexuality but also of homosexuals.

It is undeniable that the political context of Homos and of the antisocial thesis has been entirely forgotten in the many critiques of either that book or that thesis over the past nearly three decades. Accused of being ahistorical, it is Bersani who has suffered from a degree of ahistoricism that should give us pause, especially as we contemplate many of the prevailing and dominant theoretical discourses today—including queer theory and its recent variants—oriented around the symbolic, the affirmation of identity, and the...

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来源期刊
POSTMODERN CULTURE
POSTMODERN CULTURE HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
CiteScore
0.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
11
期刊介绍: Founded in 1990 as a groundbreaking experiment in scholarly publishing on the Internet, Postmodern Culture has become a leading electronic journal of interdisciplinary thought on contemporary culture. PMC offers a forum for commentary, criticism, and theory on subjects ranging from identity politics to the economics of information.
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