奴隶制银行:莎伦-安-墨菲(Sharon Ann Murphy)所著的《为美国前贝叶时期的南方扩张融资》(评论

IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Lindsay Schakenbach Regele
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Sharon Ann Murphy, a master at explaining and analyzing the nitty-gritty of how <strong>[End Page 613]</strong> financial institutions and practices worked, has completed yet another act of scholarly service by hunting down the extant records of obscure banking transactions. The sources she has cobbled together from at least fifteen states allow us to see the grotesque relationship among “southern banks, the slaveholders who were their customers, and the enslaved people used as collateral” (p. 11). Previous scholars have attempted to understand how white southerners financed the “rapid settlement of the Southwest,” but while they have focused on, for example, mortgages and investors, Murphy is the first to look at commercial banks (p. 7). The book moves from the turn of the nineteenth century up to the Civil War and then closes with an epilogue grappling with the long aftermath of the Thirteenth Amendment and the complicated “question of who should absorb the pecuniary loss of enslaved individuals” (p. 318). That query is one of the jarring questions this book seeks to answer regarding the violent subjugation of an individual’s humanity by mortgage and court negotiations.</p> <p><em>Banking on Slavery: Financing Southern Expansion in the Antebellum United States</em> begins with a tour through New Orleans, whose slave auction “was the physical embodiment of the South’s full embrace and celebration of slavery as the engine behind its antebellum economic prosperity,” which sets the stage for Murphy to ask how banks managed to finance the movement of enslaved individuals from the auction to the frontier (p. 7). The book is divided into three parts, each of which offers stark details about how individual enslavers kept growing their wealth out of indebtedness. In response to the demands of white people moving into the frontier, the early conservative banking practice of providing short-term loans backed by business paper, banknotes, and a limited supply of silver and gold gave way to much riskier long-term loans secured directly by land and human property. Louisiana banks engaged in some of the riskiest practices; Alabama banks, the least. These riskier practices culminated in the Panics of 1837 and 1839, and in subsequent anti- banking sentiment—despite the fact, as Murphy points out, that banks had in some ways helped slaveholders withstand the panics.</p> <p>In the aftermath of these panics, enslavers took various measures to shield their human capital from creditors’ possession, which included absconding to Texas. Some states passed Married Women’s Property Acts, which ultimately protected women who owned slaves from foreclosures incurred by their husbands. An “unintended consequence” was that creditors found enslaved individuals less advantageous as collateral (p. 207). By the 1840s and 1850s, white southerners seemed to forget that mortgaged human beings had been such a seemingly profitable and popular financial practice.</p> <p>The stories Murphy tells—such as of a man selling the enslaved individuals whom he had leveraged as collateral to his sister, who was then sued by her brother’s creditor—and the individuals Murphy names—like “sixteen-year-old Séraphine, eighteen-year-old field slave Mélitte, and nineteen-year-old house slave Phélis,” who were the “most highly valued women, at $1,000 each,” in the financing of their enslaver’s plantation—help humanize what is otherwise a brutally dehumanizing account of southern financial practices (p. 153). Readers will gain new insight into the histories of southern life, slavery, and the nineteenth-century economy. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 为奴隶制提供资金:作者:Sharon Ann Murphy Lindsay Schakenbach Regele 《奴隶制下的南方扩张融资》:为奴隶制提供资金:前美国南方扩张》。作者:Sharon Ann Murphy。美国的开端,1500-1900 年。(芝加哥和伦敦:芝加哥大学出版社,2023 年。x, 419页。纸质版,35.00 美元,ISBN 978-0-226-82513-7;布质版,105.00 美元,ISBN 978-0-226-82459-8)。直到现在,我们还没有准确详细地了解南方银行是如何使奴隶制在美国得以传播和发展的。莎伦-安-墨菲(Sharon Ann Murphy)是解释和分析金融 [完 613 页] 机构和惯例运作细节的大师,她通过查找晦涩难懂的银行交易的现存记录,完成了又一项学术服务。她从至少 15 个州收集到的资料让我们看到了 "南方银行、作为其客户的奴隶主以及作为抵押品的被奴役者 "之间的怪诞关系(第 11 页)。以前的学者曾试图了解南方白人是如何为 "西南部的快速定居 "提供资金的,但他们关注的是抵押贷款和投资者等,而墨菲则是第一个关注商业银行的学者(第 7 页)。该书从十九世纪之交一直写到南北战争,最后在尾声部分探讨了《第十三修正案》的长期影响以及 "谁来承担被奴役者的金钱损失 "这一复杂问题(第 318 页)。这个问题是本书试图回答的令人震惊的问题之一,即抵押贷款和法庭谈判对个人人性的暴力征服。奴隶制的银行业:新奥尔良的奴隶拍卖会 "是南方全盘接受和庆祝奴隶制的具体体现,奴隶制是其前贝尔南时期经济繁荣背后的引擎",这为墨菲提出银行如何为奴隶从拍卖会到边境的流动提供资金这一问题奠定了基础(第 7 页)。该书分为三个部分,每个部分都提供了有关个别奴隶主如何通过负债不断增加财富的严酷细节。为了满足迁入边疆的白人的需求,早期保守的银行做法是提供以商业票据、纸币和有限的金银供应为支持的短期贷款,而现在则让位于风险更大的直接以土地和人类财产为担保的长期贷款。路易斯安那州的银行采用了一些风险最大的做法;阿拉巴马州的银行则采用了风险最小的做法。这些高风险的做法最终导致了 1837 年和 1839 年的大恐慌以及随后的反银行情绪--尽管墨菲指出,银行在某些方面帮助奴隶主抵御了恐慌。在这些恐慌之后,奴隶主们采取了各种措施来保护他们的人力资本不被债权人占有,其中包括潜逃到得克萨斯州。一些州通过了《已婚妇女财产法》,最终保护了拥有奴隶的妇女免于被丈夫取消赎回权。一个 "意想不到的后果 "是,债权人发现被奴役的个人作为抵押品并不那么有利(第 207 页)。到了 19 世纪 40 年代和 50 年代,南方白人似乎忘记了抵押人口曾是一种看似有利可图且广受欢迎的金融做法。墨菲讲述的故事--比如一个男人将他作为抵押品的被奴役者卖给了他的姐姐,她的姐姐随后被她哥哥的债权人起诉--以及墨菲提到的那些人,比如 "16 岁的塞拉菲娜(Séraphine)、18 岁的田奴梅丽特(Mélitte)和 19 岁的家奴菲莉(Philippe)"、和 19 岁的家奴菲丽丝",她们是 "在奴隶主的种植园融资中""最有价值的女性,每人价值 1,000 美元"--这有助于使本是残酷非人化的南方金融行为的叙述变得人性化(第 153 页)。153).读者将对南方生活、奴隶制和 19 世纪经济的历史有新的认识。这些都是令人不安的收获。[林赛-沙肯巴赫-雷格尔 迈阿密大学版权所有 © 2024 美国南方历史协会 ...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Banking on Slavery: Financing Southern Expansion in the Antebellum United States by Sharon Ann Murphy (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Banking on Slavery: Financing Southern Expansion in the Antebellum United States by Sharon Ann Murphy
  • Lindsay Schakenbach Regele
Banking on Slavery: Financing Southern Expansion in the Antebellum United States. By Sharon Ann Murphy. American Beginnings, 1500–1900. (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2023. Pp. x, 419. Paper, $35.00, ISBN 978-0-226-82513-7; cloth, $105.00, ISBN 978-0-226-82459-8.)

Until now, we have not understood in precise detail how southern banks made possible the spread and growth of slavery in the United States. Sharon Ann Murphy, a master at explaining and analyzing the nitty-gritty of how [End Page 613] financial institutions and practices worked, has completed yet another act of scholarly service by hunting down the extant records of obscure banking transactions. The sources she has cobbled together from at least fifteen states allow us to see the grotesque relationship among “southern banks, the slaveholders who were their customers, and the enslaved people used as collateral” (p. 11). Previous scholars have attempted to understand how white southerners financed the “rapid settlement of the Southwest,” but while they have focused on, for example, mortgages and investors, Murphy is the first to look at commercial banks (p. 7). The book moves from the turn of the nineteenth century up to the Civil War and then closes with an epilogue grappling with the long aftermath of the Thirteenth Amendment and the complicated “question of who should absorb the pecuniary loss of enslaved individuals” (p. 318). That query is one of the jarring questions this book seeks to answer regarding the violent subjugation of an individual’s humanity by mortgage and court negotiations.

Banking on Slavery: Financing Southern Expansion in the Antebellum United States begins with a tour through New Orleans, whose slave auction “was the physical embodiment of the South’s full embrace and celebration of slavery as the engine behind its antebellum economic prosperity,” which sets the stage for Murphy to ask how banks managed to finance the movement of enslaved individuals from the auction to the frontier (p. 7). The book is divided into three parts, each of which offers stark details about how individual enslavers kept growing their wealth out of indebtedness. In response to the demands of white people moving into the frontier, the early conservative banking practice of providing short-term loans backed by business paper, banknotes, and a limited supply of silver and gold gave way to much riskier long-term loans secured directly by land and human property. Louisiana banks engaged in some of the riskiest practices; Alabama banks, the least. These riskier practices culminated in the Panics of 1837 and 1839, and in subsequent anti- banking sentiment—despite the fact, as Murphy points out, that banks had in some ways helped slaveholders withstand the panics.

In the aftermath of these panics, enslavers took various measures to shield their human capital from creditors’ possession, which included absconding to Texas. Some states passed Married Women’s Property Acts, which ultimately protected women who owned slaves from foreclosures incurred by their husbands. An “unintended consequence” was that creditors found enslaved individuals less advantageous as collateral (p. 207). By the 1840s and 1850s, white southerners seemed to forget that mortgaged human beings had been such a seemingly profitable and popular financial practice.

The stories Murphy tells—such as of a man selling the enslaved individuals whom he had leveraged as collateral to his sister, who was then sued by her brother’s creditor—and the individuals Murphy names—like “sixteen-year-old Séraphine, eighteen-year-old field slave Mélitte, and nineteen-year-old house slave Phélis,” who were the “most highly valued women, at $1,000 each,” in the financing of their enslaver’s plantation—help humanize what is otherwise a brutally dehumanizing account of southern financial practices (p. 153). Readers will gain new insight into the histories of southern life, slavery, and the nineteenth-century economy. These are unsettling rewards. [End Page 614]

Lindsay Schakenbach Regele Miami University Copyright © 2024 The Southern Historical Association ...

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