汉语学习者英语主谓一致的神经认知加工机制

Mingjun Wu, Miaomiao Li, Di Wu
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摘要

定语从句(DPs)是一个总括性术语,可分为两种定语类型:指代定语从句(RDPs,如the boy)和量词定语从句(QDPs,如each boy)。本研究利用事件相关电位(ERP)技术,探讨了 RDP 与 QDP 在中国英语学习者对英语主谓一致与遗漏错误的在线处理中的调节作用,从而解决了单数定量是否会增加或降低中国学习者对一致违规的敏感性这一问题。实验操纵了定语类型,特别是 RDP 与 QDP,以及语法性(语法性与非语法性)。结果表明,与之前的研究类似,在主谓一致违规与遗漏错误的反应中,会引起 P600 效应,这表明中国的 L2 学习者对这种一致违规很敏感。此外,ERP模式因D-连接和RDP与QDP的数量规格而表现出差异。在D-链接方面,QDP条件下的主谓一致违规行为需要整合话语相关知识,会引起与话语层面整合复杂性相关的横向和前向分布的P600效应;然而,非D-链接的指代定语会引起后向分布的P600效应。数字规格的不同导致了不同的 P600 潜伏期,以及 P600 之前是否有 N400。虽然 RDP 和 QDP 条件都表现出 P600 效应,但在未指定数字的 RDP 条件下,该效应的起始潜伏期比指定数字的 QDP 条件晚 300 毫秒。此外,在 RDP 条件下观察到的额外 N400 成分表明,L2 学习者通过死记硬背获得了形态复杂的主谓一致,并将其视为未经分析的语块。而在 QDP 条件下则没有这种 N400 成分。从这些结果中可以得出结论:L2 学习者对主谓一致的违反与遗漏错误很敏感,而且 L2 对主谓一致的处理模式因定语的不同特征而异,这为语法句子理解过程中基于线索的检索模型提供了进一步的证据。研究还提供了教学启示,并提出了未来的研究方向。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The neurocognitive processing mechanism of English subject-verb agreement by Chinese-speaking learners
Determiner phrases (DPs), an overarching term, can be classified into two determiner types: referential determiner phrases (RDPs, e.g., the boy) and quantificational determiner phrases (QDPs, e.g., each boy). Using the event-related potential (ERP) technique, this study explored the modulation of RDP vs. QDP in the online processing of English subject–verb agreement with omission errors by Chinese learners of English, addressing the question of whether singular quantification increases or decreases Chinese learners’ sensitivity to agreement violations. The experiment manipulated the determiner type, specifically RDP vs. QDP, and grammaticality (grammatical vs. ungrammatical). The results indicated that similar to previous studies, a P600 effect was elicited in response to subject–verb agreement violations with omission errors, demonstrating that Chinese L2 learners are sensitive to such agreement violations. Additionally, the ERP patterns exhibited variations due to D-linking and number specification of RDP and QDP. Regarding D-linking, subject–verb agreement violations in the QDP conditions, necessitating integration of discourse-related knowledge, elicited laterally and frontally distributed P600 effects associated with integration complexity at the discourse level; however, non-D-linked referential determiners elicited the posteriorly-distributed P600 effects. Differences in number specification resulted in the distinctive P600 latencies and whether P600 was preceded by N400 or not. While both the RDP and QDP conditions exhibited the P600 effects, the onset latency of this effect in the number-unspecified RDP condition was 300 ms later compared to the number-specified QDP condition. Furthermore, an additional N400 component observed in the RDP condition suggests that L2 learners acquire morphologically complex subject–verb agreements by rote, treating them as unanalyzed chunks. This N400 component was absent in the QDP condition. From these results, the conclusion can be drawn that L2 learners are sensitive to the subject–verb agreement violations with omission errors, and L2 processing patterns of subject–verb agreement vary with different features of determiners, providing further evidence for the cue-based retrieval model during comprehension of grammatical sentences. Pedagogical implications are provided, and the future research direction is suggested.
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