霸权女性、女性民族主义和极右翼势力

C. Montiel-McCann
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引用次数: 0

摘要

罩袍已成为欧洲所谓 "伊斯兰化 "的重要象征,并引发了一系列 "罩袍禁令"(Bouattia 2019; Bracke 2012; Hancock 2015)。在围绕这些禁令的争论中,Farris(2012,2017)发现了一种 "女性民族主义趋同",即民族主义政治右派、新自由主义政策制定者和一些女权组织共同采用性别平等的语言来论证罩袍是父权压迫的象征。在本文中,我将这种女性民族主义的趋同与霸权女性特质的维持联系起来,霸权女性特质可广义地定义为与白人至上的资本主义父权制相辅相成的女性特质(Hooks,2000 年)。利用女性主义批判性话语分析(拉扎尔,2005 年),我分析了前首相鲍里斯-约翰逊 2018 年为《每日电讯报》撰写的一篇关于罩袍的文章中对穆斯林女性的表述。我展示了约翰逊如何将女性民族主义话语工具化,以证明他对穆斯林妇女的伊斯兰恐惧症边缘化是合理的。我的结论是,约翰逊利用这篇文章为他次年竞选保守党领袖奠定了基础,并为英国政坛向极右翼的转变赢得了民众的支持。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Hegemonic femininity, femonationalism and the far-right
The burka has become a key symbol of the supposed ‘Islamification’ of Europe and has led to a series of ‘burka bans’ (Bouattia 2019; Bracke 2012; Hancock 2015). In the debate surrounding these bans, a ‘femonationalist convergence’ has been identified by Farris (2012, 2017) in which the nationalist political right, neoliberal policy makers, and some feminist organisations converge in adopting the language of gender equality to argue that the burka is a symbol of patriarchal oppression. In this paper, I relate this femonationalist convergence to the maintenance of hegemonic femininity, which can be broadly defined as the privileging of femininity that is complementary to white supremacist capitalist patriarchy (hooks 2000). Using feminist critical discourse analysis (Lazar 2005), I analyse the representation of Muslim women in an article on the burka written by former Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, for The Telegraph in 2018. I show how Johnson instrumentalises femonationalist discourse to justify his Islamophobic marginalisation of Muslim women. I conclude that Johnson used this article to lay the groundwork for his Conservative leadership bid the following year and to garner popular support for a shift to the far-right in British politics.
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