作为运输通道和政治屏障的墨累河:1836-1901 年贸易、运输和外交中的 "沿着这条友好的河流前行

N/A ECONOMICS
David George Spurr, Jennifer Jones
{"title":"作为运输通道和政治屏障的墨累河:1836-1901 年贸易、运输和外交中的 \"沿着这条友好的河流前行","authors":"David George Spurr,&nbsp;Jennifer Jones","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12295","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 1901 the British Parliament approved the Federation of its Australian Colonies to create the Commonwealth of Australia as a Dominion within the British Empire, ending half a century of border difficulties at a time when a developing settler community was establishing its economic viability. This research examines how the Murray River between Albury in the colony of New South Wales (NSW), and Echuca in Victoria (known as ‘the Upper Murray’), took on dual but contradictory roles. In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues of access for the settlement and exploitation of hinterland regions. The Murray River developed as an invaluable transport link between a part of inland Australia and world markets. But it also acted as a physical and political divide between adjacent colonies, following the establishment of South Australia in 1836, and separation of the Port Phillip District from NSW to form the colony of Victoria in 1850. The development of the paddle steamer trade was essential to the Murray River's role as a transport link. The operation of commercial paddle steamers on the Upper Murray lasted only a few decades, but it provided vital trade, communications, and transport links during a period marked by Britain's industrial revolution (which demanded more raw wool), and the dramatic population inflow resulting from gold discoveries in Australia. This thesis contends that the Upper Murray and Riverina communities were influenced by, and reacted to, the development of steam navigation and to the decisions of the Imperial Parliament that made the river a colonial, or quasi-national border, allowing the individual colonial governments to make decisions in their own perceived best interests. The steam trade also fostered problems and movements for separation, annexation, and federation.</p><p>Human activity occurs within the bounds of unique bio-physical environments and can be influenced by those environments through direct exploitation or modification to make them more amenable to intended human activity. Just as the Indigenous people have significant belonging to, and influence over the environment, so European and other new settlers influenced the environment and become part of it. Early European settlers saw the Murray River system as valuable but difficult resource to exploit. By the time steamer traffic began on the river, for example, the difficulties posed by fallen trees were well known. Clearing the river for navigation was envisioned as enhancing access to wider markets, but the perceived benefits of a navigable river differed between the colonies. Governments were pressured to help overcome some of the problems the river posed to navigation, leading to discussion, and sometimes disagreement, between the colonial governments on strategies to realise this perceived potential.</p><p>Victoria, NSW, and South Australia were colonies within the British Empire and as such were subject to no over-riding local authority, allowing them to legislate in their own perceived best interests within the parameters set by the Imperial Power. The decision of the British Parliament to establish South Australia, to allow the separation of Victoria from NSW along the Murray River, and to grant each colony a degree of responsible government with the ability to determine its own but non-discriminatory customs regimes, made the river border a political barrier to the movement of both goods and people. The decree that colonial tariffs must be non-discriminatory made it unlawful for a colony to grant favourable tariff conditions to its neighbours. The tariff rate charged on a particular good imported into Victoria from NSW, or between any two colonies, was required to be the same as that charged on the same good imported from another colony, from Britain, or from any other country. Such a condition made it impossible for the Australian Colonies to develop a free trade union. The need of colonial governments for revenue, and the pressure to protect domestic industries, influenced decisions about import duties. This broader picture was not always seen or appreciated by border residents who reacted to border tariffs as they experienced their effects. The subsequent border imposed at the Murray split settler communities that were accustomed to free movement of materials and people across the river. The Upper Murray and Riverina areas are closer to Melbourne than to Sydney, making the former a more attractive business centre and port. The development of the rail network from Melbourne to the Murray strengthened this attraction. As the Upper Murray and Riverina are within the economic hinterland of Melbourne, border crossings into and from Victoria were vital for trade and intercourse. The Murray River thus acted as a quasi-international border for customs purposes. Proximate riverine communities were subject to the same tariff regimes as trade with a distant country. The conditions for border crossings of merchandise and people also depended on the changing policies of colonial governments. Different customs regimes, and the restrictions placed on free trade between the colonies, were particularly resented in border communities and influenced attitudes toward colonial legislatures based in the coastal capitals. These border customs issues are frequently seen in the light of intercolonial debates between city-based legislatures. This thesis examined community reactions to customs issues, as expressed in the local press, or by correspondents to the broader colonial press. The research utilised newspapers and government gazettes which provide contemporary accounts of legislative decisions and events both local, colonial, and empire wide. Opinions and attitudes prevalent in the border communities were expressed through reports of meetings, editorials, and correspondence from readers. Newspapers often set the agenda for these debates and supplied interpretative framework to make sense of border issues.</p><p>The Murray River was unique in Australia as the only transport artery that served as a colonial border. Prior to the development of the colonial rail systems, river transport, where practicable, was the most cost-effective way of moving wool to the ocean port in South Australia. The coincidence of the steamer route lying along the river that formed the intercolonial border between Victoria and NSW was an impediment to the operation of the trade. The Victorian and South Australian colonial governments were favoured by the river transport route and sought to enhance its navigability. South Australia held particular interest, evidenced by subsidisation of river boat entrepreneurs and the personal involvement of the Governors. Where it forms the NSW-Victoria border, the Murray is entirely within NSW but distant from Sydney, so river navigation directed trade away to other colonies. NSW saw that little advantage would accrue by expending scarce resources on river improvements. The research reveals how the development of the river trade was hindered by inter-colonial jealousies and self-interest. The flow of the river was uncontrollable until the later development of dams and locks, and its variable flow made navigation problematic. Clearing the stream of fallen timbers, known as 'snagging', required the expenditure of scarce colonial resources. The attitude of colonial governments to river clearing depended on how they calculated the cost/benefit ratio impacting their colony. South Australia was initially the greatest beneficiary of river clearing, but when Echuca was connected to Melbourne by rail, Victoria had much to gain. NSW had other rivers to consider and expenditure on railways stretched available funds. Risk taking entrepreneurs, with confidence in their ability to mobilise capital and operate an industry profitably, were therefore central to the utilisation of the Murray for trade, transport, and communication. Francis Cadell and William Randell were rival entrepreneurs in the steam trade who initiated Murray River navigation and eventually extended services to the Upper Murray. Francis Cadell arrived in South Australia from Scotland in January 1849 with considerable maritime experience and expertise, his family having interests in both coal mines and shipping. Cadell sought favour and lobbied colonial governments to provide funding for river clearing, which benefitted his business interests through payment for work done, and reduction in damage to vessels. This clearing work benefitted the steamer trade but caused long term ecological damage. Although river steamers were financed by private investors, work such as snagging and wharf construction required public funds, which were not always forthcoming. Most of the length of the river requiring clearing was in NSW, the colony with the least to gain by altering the river. Unlike the developing public railway systems, private entrepreneurs provided the river transport facility at little cost to public funds.</p><p>The first rail link to the Murray at Echuca, which provided a connection to the Port of Melbourne, stimulated the river trade to the Upper Murray. The extension of the Victorian rail system a decade later to Wodonga, and eventually to Wahgunyah, instigated the decline of the Upper Murray steamer trade to Albury. However, the Victorian import duty on wheat from the Albury and Riverina districts prolonged the life of intra-colonial trade along the Murray, between NSW ports. The lack of a rail outlet for timber supplies from Barmah meant a viable river trade persisted between the forest resource and the Port of Echuca well into the 20th Century, after much of the upper river trade had ended.</p><p>The new cultural landscapes established by settlers prior to the establishment of the colonial boundaries were significantly impacted by the subsequent borders, which were regarded as impediments to the lives of the settler communities. This research recognises the resentment and alienation engendered in the riverine communities. The thesis details the biophysical conditions that were influential in determining the types of economic activities possible for these river communities. Conditions favoured pastoralism that required large areas of land. Circumstances in Britain encouraged the wool industry as a viable export commodity, within the limitations posed by the physical environment. Local vested interests, including graziers seeking to facilitate the movement of their product to market, therefore lobbied their respective governments for the development of port facilities, to attract the river trade. The wool industry was critical to the development of the Upper Murray River for international, inter and intra-colonial transport, as part of an intercontinental trading system, but the facility of the trade was utilised for other exports and imports. The river served as a transport conduit not only for international trade but, in conjunction with the rail link via Echuca, for inter and intra-colonial movements of goods and people. The operation of the river steamers was influenced significantly, however, by the unpredictable stream flow and by the nature of the stream itself.</p><p>When the river barrier along the Murray was imposed in 1851, the decision retained the Riverina within the political jurisdiction of NSW. But until the rail system connected it to Sydney, the district was within the economic orbit of Melbourne. Local movements for the creation of new colonies by secession, or annexation by Victoria, were the result. Distance from Sydney and economic dependence on Victoria were forces driving these movements, but potential loss of political power by land and electoral reform acts also influenced the opinions of powerful squatter pastoralists. Moves in Riverina communities for annexation by Victoria diminished when it became apparent that no political advantage would be gained. The border regions saw Federation as a way out of their dilemma. The promise of removing the river customs barriers encouraged the idea of Federation. When the time came to vote, the YES majority in favour of Federation was strong in areas that suffered the vicissitudes of tariffs imposed on them by far away governments.</p><p>Most residents of NSW and Victoria, living in the coastal capitals or far from the river border, never had occasion to cross the Murray. Populations of the border regions frequently did so. This research indicates just how important effective bridges were to local communities. The narrow and shallow stream offered numerous fording opportunities but, just as the variable nature of the stream flow had to be factored into the operation of the steamers, the river often flooded, making crossing difficult or impossible. Private punts and ferries provided short term solutions, but bridges were needed for the barrier to be permanently and safely overcome. As common use facilities, privately constructed and managed bridges required payment of tolls. Public funds were required if constructed by government. Any river crossing by bridge involved two colonies and required a level of cooperation between the parties to fund, design, and operate the structures. Local communities were vocal in their demands for such facilities and construction only eventuated after these were made. Border communities felt they were ignored by the distant legislatures and did not receive their fair share of infrastructure spending. Bridges became symbols of restriction when controlling movement between the colonies, but hosted celebrations when duties were removed and when Federation was achieved. Most accounts of Federation celebrations focus on the events in Sydney, but this research concentrates on the reactions of the border residents, revealing their delight at the expected removal of unnecessary restrictions on their everyday lives and livelihoods.</p><p>European riverine communities were ambivalent about Chinese movements in the nineteenth century, having an economic need of their labour and produce but at the same time expressing a significant Sinophobia. This research contends that in the Upper Murray, much injustice was also caused by prejudicial Government policies and focusses on the impacts of colonial policies on the movement of Chinese people between the colonies. The river barrier acted as a quasi-international border utilised by colonial governments to control movement of Chinese people into the hinterlands. Whether the inland barrier provided any effective control of immigration onto the Australian continent is doubtful, but it did cause considerable disruption to the economic and cultural lives of Chinese residents. Attempts to limit immigration by taxing the import of opium had the undesired effect of encouraging cross-border smuggling. The river border and the imposition of entry taxes on border residents of Chinese descent also made much normal trade and intercourse illegal.</p><p>The river border's role as a customs barrier ended with Federation in 1901. Trade between the states became ‘absolutely free’ with responsibility for customs vested in the new Commonwealth. Similarly, immigration became a responsibility of the new Commonwealth Parliament and there was no barrier to movement within the country in normal times. Post Federation, the interstate borders are clearly marked at crossing places but normally cause no impediment to the crossing of people or goods. As occurred when pleuro-pneumonia threatened the livestock industry in 1861–62, the border has been used in emergency conditions to control the spread of contagious diseases in humans and agricultural products.</p><p>In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Upper Murray River took on its dual functions as a barrier and conduit because the surrounding areas were part of the British colonial system, operating in an area with distinctive bio-physical and cultural conditions. The dual functions were in turn responsible for altering the natural and human landscapes. After Federation, responsibility for immigration was vested in the Commonwealth and within a year the new parliament had passed the ‘Immigration Restriction Act 1901’. Based on the existing laws of the colonies its aim was to limit non-white (particularly Asian) immigration to Australia. It was not repealed until 1959. The last traces of the ‘White Australia Policy’ existed until the ‘Racial Discrimination Act’ of 1975 made it illegal to discriminate against migrants on the basis of race.</p><p>The valuable but scarce resource of the Murray River waters is still the subject of ongoing agreement and disagreement between the three riparian states and the Commonwealth, who hold competing claims on the limited supply. Water use in the Upper Murray has been largely for irrigation of semi-arid farmlands but there is emerging demand on the provision of water for environmental protection. Unlike its wild state during the era of the Upper Murray paddle steamers, the river is now a controlled stream with its flow dictated by irrigation needs. Low level bridges and a diversion weir at Mulwala/Yarrawonga inhibit the movement of all but small vessels. The river steamer trade served a purpose until its need was obviated by public expenditure on wide reaching rail and road networks.</p><p>The river as a barrier re-emerged for a short period in 1919 as a quarantine measure to combat the Spanish Influenza. Again in 2020/21 during the COVID 19 pandemic, movement between the states was controlled at the river border. Minor anomalies exist in cross border legislation but generally people and goods travel freely between the states. The Upper Murray is no longer a viable transport artery as rail and road transport provide much more reliable and efficient solutions to the transport dilemma. The Riverina and Upper Murray regions are still far from Sydney and Melbourne, but effective communications and transport mitigate the tyranny of distance.</p><p>In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues for the exploitation of hinterland regions. This research has shown how settlers like Hawdon, who equated change with progress, developed business at the expense of the river and its riparian zones. But the same environment also limited these economic pursuits and forced the (slow) comprehension of damage caused by short term exploitation. David Spurr hoped that this research, which reveals for the first time how the Upper Murray River developed to function as both conduit and barrier to trade, transport and diplomacy, also contributes to this growing comprehension. It was written with love for that friendly river.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12295","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The river Murray as a transport conduit and political barrier: ‘Following the course of that friendly river’ in trade, transport and diplomacy, 1836–1901\",\"authors\":\"David George Spurr,&nbsp;Jennifer Jones\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/aehr.12295\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>In 1901 the British Parliament approved the Federation of its Australian Colonies to create the Commonwealth of Australia as a Dominion within the British Empire, ending half a century of border difficulties at a time when a developing settler community was establishing its economic viability. This research examines how the Murray River between Albury in the colony of New South Wales (NSW), and Echuca in Victoria (known as ‘the Upper Murray’), took on dual but contradictory roles. In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues of access for the settlement and exploitation of hinterland regions. The Murray River developed as an invaluable transport link between a part of inland Australia and world markets. But it also acted as a physical and political divide between adjacent colonies, following the establishment of South Australia in 1836, and separation of the Port Phillip District from NSW to form the colony of Victoria in 1850. The development of the paddle steamer trade was essential to the Murray River's role as a transport link. The operation of commercial paddle steamers on the Upper Murray lasted only a few decades, but it provided vital trade, communications, and transport links during a period marked by Britain's industrial revolution (which demanded more raw wool), and the dramatic population inflow resulting from gold discoveries in Australia. This thesis contends that the Upper Murray and Riverina communities were influenced by, and reacted to, the development of steam navigation and to the decisions of the Imperial Parliament that made the river a colonial, or quasi-national border, allowing the individual colonial governments to make decisions in their own perceived best interests. The steam trade also fostered problems and movements for separation, annexation, and federation.</p><p>Human activity occurs within the bounds of unique bio-physical environments and can be influenced by those environments through direct exploitation or modification to make them more amenable to intended human activity. Just as the Indigenous people have significant belonging to, and influence over the environment, so European and other new settlers influenced the environment and become part of it. Early European settlers saw the Murray River system as valuable but difficult resource to exploit. By the time steamer traffic began on the river, for example, the difficulties posed by fallen trees were well known. Clearing the river for navigation was envisioned as enhancing access to wider markets, but the perceived benefits of a navigable river differed between the colonies. Governments were pressured to help overcome some of the problems the river posed to navigation, leading to discussion, and sometimes disagreement, between the colonial governments on strategies to realise this perceived potential.</p><p>Victoria, NSW, and South Australia were colonies within the British Empire and as such were subject to no over-riding local authority, allowing them to legislate in their own perceived best interests within the parameters set by the Imperial Power. The decision of the British Parliament to establish South Australia, to allow the separation of Victoria from NSW along the Murray River, and to grant each colony a degree of responsible government with the ability to determine its own but non-discriminatory customs regimes, made the river border a political barrier to the movement of both goods and people. The decree that colonial tariffs must be non-discriminatory made it unlawful for a colony to grant favourable tariff conditions to its neighbours. The tariff rate charged on a particular good imported into Victoria from NSW, or between any two colonies, was required to be the same as that charged on the same good imported from another colony, from Britain, or from any other country. Such a condition made it impossible for the Australian Colonies to develop a free trade union. The need of colonial governments for revenue, and the pressure to protect domestic industries, influenced decisions about import duties. This broader picture was not always seen or appreciated by border residents who reacted to border tariffs as they experienced their effects. The subsequent border imposed at the Murray split settler communities that were accustomed to free movement of materials and people across the river. The Upper Murray and Riverina areas are closer to Melbourne than to Sydney, making the former a more attractive business centre and port. The development of the rail network from Melbourne to the Murray strengthened this attraction. As the Upper Murray and Riverina are within the economic hinterland of Melbourne, border crossings into and from Victoria were vital for trade and intercourse. The Murray River thus acted as a quasi-international border for customs purposes. Proximate riverine communities were subject to the same tariff regimes as trade with a distant country. The conditions for border crossings of merchandise and people also depended on the changing policies of colonial governments. Different customs regimes, and the restrictions placed on free trade between the colonies, were particularly resented in border communities and influenced attitudes toward colonial legislatures based in the coastal capitals. These border customs issues are frequently seen in the light of intercolonial debates between city-based legislatures. This thesis examined community reactions to customs issues, as expressed in the local press, or by correspondents to the broader colonial press. The research utilised newspapers and government gazettes which provide contemporary accounts of legislative decisions and events both local, colonial, and empire wide. Opinions and attitudes prevalent in the border communities were expressed through reports of meetings, editorials, and correspondence from readers. Newspapers often set the agenda for these debates and supplied interpretative framework to make sense of border issues.</p><p>The Murray River was unique in Australia as the only transport artery that served as a colonial border. Prior to the development of the colonial rail systems, river transport, where practicable, was the most cost-effective way of moving wool to the ocean port in South Australia. The coincidence of the steamer route lying along the river that formed the intercolonial border between Victoria and NSW was an impediment to the operation of the trade. The Victorian and South Australian colonial governments were favoured by the river transport route and sought to enhance its navigability. South Australia held particular interest, evidenced by subsidisation of river boat entrepreneurs and the personal involvement of the Governors. Where it forms the NSW-Victoria border, the Murray is entirely within NSW but distant from Sydney, so river navigation directed trade away to other colonies. NSW saw that little advantage would accrue by expending scarce resources on river improvements. The research reveals how the development of the river trade was hindered by inter-colonial jealousies and self-interest. The flow of the river was uncontrollable until the later development of dams and locks, and its variable flow made navigation problematic. Clearing the stream of fallen timbers, known as 'snagging', required the expenditure of scarce colonial resources. The attitude of colonial governments to river clearing depended on how they calculated the cost/benefit ratio impacting their colony. South Australia was initially the greatest beneficiary of river clearing, but when Echuca was connected to Melbourne by rail, Victoria had much to gain. NSW had other rivers to consider and expenditure on railways stretched available funds. Risk taking entrepreneurs, with confidence in their ability to mobilise capital and operate an industry profitably, were therefore central to the utilisation of the Murray for trade, transport, and communication. Francis Cadell and William Randell were rival entrepreneurs in the steam trade who initiated Murray River navigation and eventually extended services to the Upper Murray. Francis Cadell arrived in South Australia from Scotland in January 1849 with considerable maritime experience and expertise, his family having interests in both coal mines and shipping. Cadell sought favour and lobbied colonial governments to provide funding for river clearing, which benefitted his business interests through payment for work done, and reduction in damage to vessels. This clearing work benefitted the steamer trade but caused long term ecological damage. Although river steamers were financed by private investors, work such as snagging and wharf construction required public funds, which were not always forthcoming. Most of the length of the river requiring clearing was in NSW, the colony with the least to gain by altering the river. Unlike the developing public railway systems, private entrepreneurs provided the river transport facility at little cost to public funds.</p><p>The first rail link to the Murray at Echuca, which provided a connection to the Port of Melbourne, stimulated the river trade to the Upper Murray. The extension of the Victorian rail system a decade later to Wodonga, and eventually to Wahgunyah, instigated the decline of the Upper Murray steamer trade to Albury. However, the Victorian import duty on wheat from the Albury and Riverina districts prolonged the life of intra-colonial trade along the Murray, between NSW ports. The lack of a rail outlet for timber supplies from Barmah meant a viable river trade persisted between the forest resource and the Port of Echuca well into the 20th Century, after much of the upper river trade had ended.</p><p>The new cultural landscapes established by settlers prior to the establishment of the colonial boundaries were significantly impacted by the subsequent borders, which were regarded as impediments to the lives of the settler communities. This research recognises the resentment and alienation engendered in the riverine communities. The thesis details the biophysical conditions that were influential in determining the types of economic activities possible for these river communities. Conditions favoured pastoralism that required large areas of land. Circumstances in Britain encouraged the wool industry as a viable export commodity, within the limitations posed by the physical environment. Local vested interests, including graziers seeking to facilitate the movement of their product to market, therefore lobbied their respective governments for the development of port facilities, to attract the river trade. The wool industry was critical to the development of the Upper Murray River for international, inter and intra-colonial transport, as part of an intercontinental trading system, but the facility of the trade was utilised for other exports and imports. The river served as a transport conduit not only for international trade but, in conjunction with the rail link via Echuca, for inter and intra-colonial movements of goods and people. The operation of the river steamers was influenced significantly, however, by the unpredictable stream flow and by the nature of the stream itself.</p><p>When the river barrier along the Murray was imposed in 1851, the decision retained the Riverina within the political jurisdiction of NSW. But until the rail system connected it to Sydney, the district was within the economic orbit of Melbourne. Local movements for the creation of new colonies by secession, or annexation by Victoria, were the result. Distance from Sydney and economic dependence on Victoria were forces driving these movements, but potential loss of political power by land and electoral reform acts also influenced the opinions of powerful squatter pastoralists. Moves in Riverina communities for annexation by Victoria diminished when it became apparent that no political advantage would be gained. The border regions saw Federation as a way out of their dilemma. The promise of removing the river customs barriers encouraged the idea of Federation. When the time came to vote, the YES majority in favour of Federation was strong in areas that suffered the vicissitudes of tariffs imposed on them by far away governments.</p><p>Most residents of NSW and Victoria, living in the coastal capitals or far from the river border, never had occasion to cross the Murray. Populations of the border regions frequently did so. This research indicates just how important effective bridges were to local communities. The narrow and shallow stream offered numerous fording opportunities but, just as the variable nature of the stream flow had to be factored into the operation of the steamers, the river often flooded, making crossing difficult or impossible. Private punts and ferries provided short term solutions, but bridges were needed for the barrier to be permanently and safely overcome. As common use facilities, privately constructed and managed bridges required payment of tolls. Public funds were required if constructed by government. Any river crossing by bridge involved two colonies and required a level of cooperation between the parties to fund, design, and operate the structures. Local communities were vocal in their demands for such facilities and construction only eventuated after these were made. Border communities felt they were ignored by the distant legislatures and did not receive their fair share of infrastructure spending. Bridges became symbols of restriction when controlling movement between the colonies, but hosted celebrations when duties were removed and when Federation was achieved. Most accounts of Federation celebrations focus on the events in Sydney, but this research concentrates on the reactions of the border residents, revealing their delight at the expected removal of unnecessary restrictions on their everyday lives and livelihoods.</p><p>European riverine communities were ambivalent about Chinese movements in the nineteenth century, having an economic need of their labour and produce but at the same time expressing a significant Sinophobia. This research contends that in the Upper Murray, much injustice was also caused by prejudicial Government policies and focusses on the impacts of colonial policies on the movement of Chinese people between the colonies. The river barrier acted as a quasi-international border utilised by colonial governments to control movement of Chinese people into the hinterlands. Whether the inland barrier provided any effective control of immigration onto the Australian continent is doubtful, but it did cause considerable disruption to the economic and cultural lives of Chinese residents. Attempts to limit immigration by taxing the import of opium had the undesired effect of encouraging cross-border smuggling. The river border and the imposition of entry taxes on border residents of Chinese descent also made much normal trade and intercourse illegal.</p><p>The river border's role as a customs barrier ended with Federation in 1901. Trade between the states became ‘absolutely free’ with responsibility for customs vested in the new Commonwealth. Similarly, immigration became a responsibility of the new Commonwealth Parliament and there was no barrier to movement within the country in normal times. Post Federation, the interstate borders are clearly marked at crossing places but normally cause no impediment to the crossing of people or goods. As occurred when pleuro-pneumonia threatened the livestock industry in 1861–62, the border has been used in emergency conditions to control the spread of contagious diseases in humans and agricultural products.</p><p>In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Upper Murray River took on its dual functions as a barrier and conduit because the surrounding areas were part of the British colonial system, operating in an area with distinctive bio-physical and cultural conditions. The dual functions were in turn responsible for altering the natural and human landscapes. After Federation, responsibility for immigration was vested in the Commonwealth and within a year the new parliament had passed the ‘Immigration Restriction Act 1901’. Based on the existing laws of the colonies its aim was to limit non-white (particularly Asian) immigration to Australia. It was not repealed until 1959. The last traces of the ‘White Australia Policy’ existed until the ‘Racial Discrimination Act’ of 1975 made it illegal to discriminate against migrants on the basis of race.</p><p>The valuable but scarce resource of the Murray River waters is still the subject of ongoing agreement and disagreement between the three riparian states and the Commonwealth, who hold competing claims on the limited supply. Water use in the Upper Murray has been largely for irrigation of semi-arid farmlands but there is emerging demand on the provision of water for environmental protection. Unlike its wild state during the era of the Upper Murray paddle steamers, the river is now a controlled stream with its flow dictated by irrigation needs. Low level bridges and a diversion weir at Mulwala/Yarrawonga inhibit the movement of all but small vessels. The river steamer trade served a purpose until its need was obviated by public expenditure on wide reaching rail and road networks.</p><p>The river as a barrier re-emerged for a short period in 1919 as a quarantine measure to combat the Spanish Influenza. Again in 2020/21 during the COVID 19 pandemic, movement between the states was controlled at the river border. Minor anomalies exist in cross border legislation but generally people and goods travel freely between the states. The Upper Murray is no longer a viable transport artery as rail and road transport provide much more reliable and efficient solutions to the transport dilemma. The Riverina and Upper Murray regions are still far from Sydney and Melbourne, but effective communications and transport mitigate the tyranny of distance.</p><p>In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues for the exploitation of hinterland regions. This research has shown how settlers like Hawdon, who equated change with progress, developed business at the expense of the river and its riparian zones. But the same environment also limited these economic pursuits and forced the (slow) comprehension of damage caused by short term exploitation. David Spurr hoped that this research, which reveals for the first time how the Upper Murray River developed to function as both conduit and barrier to trade, transport and diplomacy, also contributes to this growing comprehension. It was written with love for that friendly river.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":100132,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-06-25\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12295\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aehr.12295\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"N/A\",\"JCRName\":\"ECONOMICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aehr.12295","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"N/A","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
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摘要

1901 年,英国议会批准了澳大利亚殖民地联邦,成立了澳大利亚联邦,成为大英帝国的一个统治区,结束了长达半个世纪的边界困境,而此时,发展中的移民社区正在建立其经济生存能力。本研究探讨了新南威尔士州(NSW)殖民地阿尔伯里和维多利亚州埃丘卡之间的墨累河(被称为 "上墨累河")是如何扮演双重但又相互矛盾的角色的。由于缺乏发达的陆路运输系统,河流成为人们定居和开发腹地的通道。墨累河成为连接澳大利亚内陆地区和世界市场的重要交通纽带。但是,随着 1836 年南澳大利亚州的建立,以及 1850 年菲利普港区从新南威尔士州分离出来,形成维多利亚殖民地,穆雷河也成为相邻殖民地之间的物理和政治分界线。划桨蒸汽船贸易的发展对墨累河作为运输纽带的作用至关重要。上墨累河上商业桨式蒸汽船的运营仅持续了几十年,但它在英国工业革命(需要更多的原羊毛)和澳大利亚发现黄金导致人口急剧流入的时期提供了重要的贸易、通信和运输纽带。本论文认为,上墨累和里弗里纳社区受到了蒸汽航运发展和帝国议会决定的影响,并对这些决定做出了反应,帝国议会决定将河流划为殖民地或准国家边界,允许各个殖民地政府根据自己认为的最佳利益做出决定。人类活动发生在独特的生物物理环境的范围内,并可能通过直接开发或改造这些环境使其更适合预期的人类活动而受到这些环境的影响。正如原住民对环境有着重要的归属感和影响力一样,欧洲人和其他新移民也影响着环境,并成为环境的一部分。早期的欧洲移民将墨累河水系视为宝贵但难以开发的资源。例如,当蒸汽船开始在该河上航行时,倒下的树木所带来的困难已众所周知。清理河道以便通航被认为是为了扩大市场准入,但各殖民地对通航河道带来的好处的认识却不尽相同。维多利亚州、新南威尔士州和南澳大利亚州都是大英帝国的殖民地,因此没有凌驾于地方当局之上的权力,允许它们在帝国规定的范围内根据自己的最佳利益进行立法。英国议会决定建立南澳大利亚州,允许维多利亚州沿墨累河从新南威尔士州分离出来,并给予每个殖民地一定程度的责任政府,使其有能力决定自己的但非歧视性的海关制度,这使得河流边界成为货物和人员流动的政治障碍。殖民地关税必须是非歧视性的法令规定,殖民地给予邻国优惠关税条件是非法的。从新南威尔士州或在任何两个殖民地之间进口到维多利亚州的某种商品所征收的关税率,必须与从另一个殖民地、英国或任何其他国家进口的相同商品所征收的关税率相同。这样的条件使得澳大利亚殖民地无法发展自由贸易联盟。殖民地政府对税收的需求和保护国内工业的压力影响了进口关税的决策。边境居民并不总能看到或理解这一更广泛的情况,他们在经历边境关税的影响后对其做出了反应。随后在墨累河实施的边境措施分裂了习惯于物资和人员自由过河的定居者社区。上墨累和里弗里纳地区距离墨尔本比悉尼更近,这使得前者成为更具吸引力的商业中心和港口。从墨尔本到墨累的铁路网的发展加强了这一吸引力。由于上墨累河和里弗纳河位于墨尔本的经济腹地,进出维多利亚州的边境口岸对贸易和交往至关重要。因此,墨累河在海关方面起到了准国际边界的作用。临近的沿河社区与远方国家的贸易一样,需要遵守相同的关税制度。 商品和人员过境的条件也取决于殖民地政府不断变化的政策。不同的海关制度以及对殖民地之间自由贸易的限制,尤其令边境社区深恶痛绝,也影响了人们对沿海首府殖民地立法机构的态度。这些边境海关问题经常在城市立法机构之间的殖民地间辩论中出现。本论文研究了当地报刊或更广泛的殖民报刊的通讯员所表达的社区对海关问题的反应。研究利用了报纸和政府公报,它们提供了有关地方、殖民地和帝国范围内立法决策和事件的当代描述。通过会议报道、社论和读者来信,表达了边境社区普遍存在的观点和态度。报纸通常会为这些辩论制定议程,并提供解释框架,让人们了解边界问题。墨累河是澳大利亚唯一一条作为殖民地边界的交通干线,这在澳大利亚是独一无二的。在殖民地铁路系统发展之前,在可行的情况下,河运是将羊毛运往南澳大利亚海港的最具成本效益的方式。蒸汽船航线正好位于维多利亚州和新南威尔士州之间的殖民地边界河流沿岸,这阻碍了贸易的运作。维多利亚州和南澳大利亚州的殖民政府都对这条河流运输路线青睐有加,并努力提高其通航能力。南澳大利亚州政府对河船企业家给予补贴,州长也亲自参与其中,这都证明了南澳大利亚州政府对河运的特别关注。在新南威尔士州与维多利亚州交界处,墨累河完全位于新南威尔士州境内,但距离悉尼很远,因此内河航运将贸易引向了其他殖民地。新南威尔士州认为,将稀缺资源用于河流改善并不会带来什么好处。研究揭示了殖民地之间的猜忌和私利如何阻碍了内河贸易的发展。在后来开发水坝和水闸之前,河流的流量是无法控制的,而且流量的变化也给航行带来了问题。清理掉落在河面上的木料,即所谓的 "打捞",需要耗费稀缺的殖民资源。殖民地政府对清理河道的态度取决于他们如何计算影响其殖民地的成本/收益比。南澳大利亚最初是河流清理的最大受益者,但当埃丘卡通过铁路与墨尔本相连时,维多利亚州也从中获益良多。新南威尔士州还需要考虑其他河流的问题,而铁路方面的支出也使可用资金捉襟见肘。因此,勇于承担风险的企业家们相信自己有能力调动资本并运营一个行业并从中获利,他们是利用墨累河进行贸易、运输和通讯的核心人物。弗朗西斯-卡德尔(Francis Cadell)和威廉-兰德尔(William Randell)是蒸汽贸易领域的对立企业家,他们开创了墨累河航运,并最终将服务扩展到了上墨累河。弗朗西斯-卡德尔于 1849 年 1 月从苏格兰来到南澳大利亚,他拥有丰富的航海经验和专业知识,他的家族在煤矿和航运方面都有利益。卡德尔努力争取并游说殖民地政府为河道清理提供资金,通过支付工程费用和减少船只损坏,他的商业利益从中受益。清河工作使汽船贸易受益,但对生态环境造成了长期破坏。虽然内河蒸汽船由私人投资者出资,但清障和码头建设等工作需要公共资金,而公共资金并不总是能到位。需要清理的大部分河段都在新南威尔士州,而新南威尔士州是通过改造河流获益最少的殖民地。与发展中的公共铁路系统不同,私营企业家提供的河流运输设施几乎不需要公共资金。位于埃丘卡的第一条连接墨累河的铁路提供了与墨尔本港的连接,刺激了上墨累河的河流贸易。十年后,维多利亚州的铁路系统延伸至沃东加,并最终延伸至瓦古尼亚(Wahgunyah),这导致了前往阿尔伯里的上墨累蒸汽船贸易的衰落。然而,维多利亚州对来自阿尔伯里和里弗里纳地区的小麦征收的进口税延长了新南威尔士州港口之间沿墨累河的殖民地内部贸易的寿命。巴马的木材供应缺乏铁路出口,这意味着森林资源与埃丘卡港之间的河流贸易一直持续到 20 世纪,而此时大部分上游河流贸易已经结束。 这项研究认识到了河流沿岸社区所产生的怨恨和疏离感。论文详细介绍了决定这些河流社区可能开展的经济活动类型的生物物理条件。当时的条件有利于需要大片土地的畜牧业。英国的情况鼓励在自然环境的限制下将羊毛业作为一种可行的出口商品。因此,当地的既得利益者,包括牧场主,为了方便将其产品运往市场,游说各自的政府发展港口设施,以吸引内河贸易。作为洲际贸易体系的一部分,羊毛业对上墨累河国际、洲际和殖民地内部运输的发展至关重要,但贸易设施也被用于其他进出口活动。墨累河不仅是国际贸易的运输通道,而且与经由埃丘卡的铁路连在一起,成为殖民地之间和殖民地内部货物和人员流动的通道。然而,不可预知的河水流量和河流本身的性质对内河蒸汽船的运行产生了重大影响。1851 年,墨累河沿岸的河流隔离带开始实施,这一决定将里弗纳河保留在新南威尔士州的政治管辖范围内。但在铁路系统将其与悉尼连接起来之前,该地区一直处于墨尔本的经济轨道之内。因此,当地出现了通过分离建立新殖民地或被维多利亚州吞并的运动。与悉尼的距离和对维多利亚州的经济依赖是推动这些运动的力量,但土地和选举改革法案可能带来的政治权力损失也影响了有势力的棚户区牧民的意见。当维多利亚州显然不会获得任何政治利益时,里弗纳社区要求吞并维多利亚州的运动也随之减少。边境地区将联邦视为摆脱困境的出路。消除河流关税壁垒的承诺鼓励了联邦的想法。到了投票的时候,支持联邦的赞成票在那些饱受遥远的政府强加给他们的关税之苦的地区占据了绝对多数。新南威尔士州和维多利亚州的大多数居民都居住在沿海首府或远离河流边界的地方,从来没有机会跨越墨累河。而边境地区的居民则经常跨越墨累河。这项研究表明,有效的桥梁对当地社区是多么重要。窄而浅的河道提供了许多渡河的机会,但正如蒸汽船的运行必须考虑到河水流量的多变性一样,河水也经常泛滥,使渡河变得困难或不可能。私人小船和渡船提供了短期解决方案,但要永久、安全地跨越障碍,还需要桥梁。作为公用设施,私人建造和管理的桥梁需要支付通行费。如果由政府建造,则需要公共资金。任何一座跨河桥梁都涉及两个殖民地,需要双方在资金、设计和运营结构方面进行一定程度的合作。当地社区强烈要求修建此类设施,但只有在提出要求后才会修建。边境社区认为他们被遥远的立法机构忽视了,没有得到他们应得的基础设施支出份额。当控制殖民地之间的流动时,桥梁成为限制的象征,但当关税取消和联邦成立时,桥梁又成为庆祝活动的场所。大多数关于联邦庆典的描述都集中在悉尼的活动上,但本研究集中于边境居民的反应,揭示了他们对日常生活和生计有望取消不必要限制的喜悦之情。本研究认为,在上墨累,政府的偏见政策也造成了许多不公正现象,研究重点是殖民政策对华人在殖民地之间流动的影响。河流屏障是殖民地政府用来控制华人进入内陆地区的准国际边界。内陆屏障是否能有效控制移民进入澳大利亚大陆尚存疑问,但它确实对华人居民的经济和文化生活造成了相当大的干扰。通过对鸦片进口征税来限制移民的尝试产生了鼓励跨境走私的不良后果。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The river Murray as a transport conduit and political barrier: ‘Following the course of that friendly river’ in trade, transport and diplomacy, 1836–1901

In 1901 the British Parliament approved the Federation of its Australian Colonies to create the Commonwealth of Australia as a Dominion within the British Empire, ending half a century of border difficulties at a time when a developing settler community was establishing its economic viability. This research examines how the Murray River between Albury in the colony of New South Wales (NSW), and Echuca in Victoria (known as ‘the Upper Murray’), took on dual but contradictory roles. In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues of access for the settlement and exploitation of hinterland regions. The Murray River developed as an invaluable transport link between a part of inland Australia and world markets. But it also acted as a physical and political divide between adjacent colonies, following the establishment of South Australia in 1836, and separation of the Port Phillip District from NSW to form the colony of Victoria in 1850. The development of the paddle steamer trade was essential to the Murray River's role as a transport link. The operation of commercial paddle steamers on the Upper Murray lasted only a few decades, but it provided vital trade, communications, and transport links during a period marked by Britain's industrial revolution (which demanded more raw wool), and the dramatic population inflow resulting from gold discoveries in Australia. This thesis contends that the Upper Murray and Riverina communities were influenced by, and reacted to, the development of steam navigation and to the decisions of the Imperial Parliament that made the river a colonial, or quasi-national border, allowing the individual colonial governments to make decisions in their own perceived best interests. The steam trade also fostered problems and movements for separation, annexation, and federation.

Human activity occurs within the bounds of unique bio-physical environments and can be influenced by those environments through direct exploitation or modification to make them more amenable to intended human activity. Just as the Indigenous people have significant belonging to, and influence over the environment, so European and other new settlers influenced the environment and become part of it. Early European settlers saw the Murray River system as valuable but difficult resource to exploit. By the time steamer traffic began on the river, for example, the difficulties posed by fallen trees were well known. Clearing the river for navigation was envisioned as enhancing access to wider markets, but the perceived benefits of a navigable river differed between the colonies. Governments were pressured to help overcome some of the problems the river posed to navigation, leading to discussion, and sometimes disagreement, between the colonial governments on strategies to realise this perceived potential.

Victoria, NSW, and South Australia were colonies within the British Empire and as such were subject to no over-riding local authority, allowing them to legislate in their own perceived best interests within the parameters set by the Imperial Power. The decision of the British Parliament to establish South Australia, to allow the separation of Victoria from NSW along the Murray River, and to grant each colony a degree of responsible government with the ability to determine its own but non-discriminatory customs regimes, made the river border a political barrier to the movement of both goods and people. The decree that colonial tariffs must be non-discriminatory made it unlawful for a colony to grant favourable tariff conditions to its neighbours. The tariff rate charged on a particular good imported into Victoria from NSW, or between any two colonies, was required to be the same as that charged on the same good imported from another colony, from Britain, or from any other country. Such a condition made it impossible for the Australian Colonies to develop a free trade union. The need of colonial governments for revenue, and the pressure to protect domestic industries, influenced decisions about import duties. This broader picture was not always seen or appreciated by border residents who reacted to border tariffs as they experienced their effects. The subsequent border imposed at the Murray split settler communities that were accustomed to free movement of materials and people across the river. The Upper Murray and Riverina areas are closer to Melbourne than to Sydney, making the former a more attractive business centre and port. The development of the rail network from Melbourne to the Murray strengthened this attraction. As the Upper Murray and Riverina are within the economic hinterland of Melbourne, border crossings into and from Victoria were vital for trade and intercourse. The Murray River thus acted as a quasi-international border for customs purposes. Proximate riverine communities were subject to the same tariff regimes as trade with a distant country. The conditions for border crossings of merchandise and people also depended on the changing policies of colonial governments. Different customs regimes, and the restrictions placed on free trade between the colonies, were particularly resented in border communities and influenced attitudes toward colonial legislatures based in the coastal capitals. These border customs issues are frequently seen in the light of intercolonial debates between city-based legislatures. This thesis examined community reactions to customs issues, as expressed in the local press, or by correspondents to the broader colonial press. The research utilised newspapers and government gazettes which provide contemporary accounts of legislative decisions and events both local, colonial, and empire wide. Opinions and attitudes prevalent in the border communities were expressed through reports of meetings, editorials, and correspondence from readers. Newspapers often set the agenda for these debates and supplied interpretative framework to make sense of border issues.

The Murray River was unique in Australia as the only transport artery that served as a colonial border. Prior to the development of the colonial rail systems, river transport, where practicable, was the most cost-effective way of moving wool to the ocean port in South Australia. The coincidence of the steamer route lying along the river that formed the intercolonial border between Victoria and NSW was an impediment to the operation of the trade. The Victorian and South Australian colonial governments were favoured by the river transport route and sought to enhance its navigability. South Australia held particular interest, evidenced by subsidisation of river boat entrepreneurs and the personal involvement of the Governors. Where it forms the NSW-Victoria border, the Murray is entirely within NSW but distant from Sydney, so river navigation directed trade away to other colonies. NSW saw that little advantage would accrue by expending scarce resources on river improvements. The research reveals how the development of the river trade was hindered by inter-colonial jealousies and self-interest. The flow of the river was uncontrollable until the later development of dams and locks, and its variable flow made navigation problematic. Clearing the stream of fallen timbers, known as 'snagging', required the expenditure of scarce colonial resources. The attitude of colonial governments to river clearing depended on how they calculated the cost/benefit ratio impacting their colony. South Australia was initially the greatest beneficiary of river clearing, but when Echuca was connected to Melbourne by rail, Victoria had much to gain. NSW had other rivers to consider and expenditure on railways stretched available funds. Risk taking entrepreneurs, with confidence in their ability to mobilise capital and operate an industry profitably, were therefore central to the utilisation of the Murray for trade, transport, and communication. Francis Cadell and William Randell were rival entrepreneurs in the steam trade who initiated Murray River navigation and eventually extended services to the Upper Murray. Francis Cadell arrived in South Australia from Scotland in January 1849 with considerable maritime experience and expertise, his family having interests in both coal mines and shipping. Cadell sought favour and lobbied colonial governments to provide funding for river clearing, which benefitted his business interests through payment for work done, and reduction in damage to vessels. This clearing work benefitted the steamer trade but caused long term ecological damage. Although river steamers were financed by private investors, work such as snagging and wharf construction required public funds, which were not always forthcoming. Most of the length of the river requiring clearing was in NSW, the colony with the least to gain by altering the river. Unlike the developing public railway systems, private entrepreneurs provided the river transport facility at little cost to public funds.

The first rail link to the Murray at Echuca, which provided a connection to the Port of Melbourne, stimulated the river trade to the Upper Murray. The extension of the Victorian rail system a decade later to Wodonga, and eventually to Wahgunyah, instigated the decline of the Upper Murray steamer trade to Albury. However, the Victorian import duty on wheat from the Albury and Riverina districts prolonged the life of intra-colonial trade along the Murray, between NSW ports. The lack of a rail outlet for timber supplies from Barmah meant a viable river trade persisted between the forest resource and the Port of Echuca well into the 20th Century, after much of the upper river trade had ended.

The new cultural landscapes established by settlers prior to the establishment of the colonial boundaries were significantly impacted by the subsequent borders, which were regarded as impediments to the lives of the settler communities. This research recognises the resentment and alienation engendered in the riverine communities. The thesis details the biophysical conditions that were influential in determining the types of economic activities possible for these river communities. Conditions favoured pastoralism that required large areas of land. Circumstances in Britain encouraged the wool industry as a viable export commodity, within the limitations posed by the physical environment. Local vested interests, including graziers seeking to facilitate the movement of their product to market, therefore lobbied their respective governments for the development of port facilities, to attract the river trade. The wool industry was critical to the development of the Upper Murray River for international, inter and intra-colonial transport, as part of an intercontinental trading system, but the facility of the trade was utilised for other exports and imports. The river served as a transport conduit not only for international trade but, in conjunction with the rail link via Echuca, for inter and intra-colonial movements of goods and people. The operation of the river steamers was influenced significantly, however, by the unpredictable stream flow and by the nature of the stream itself.

When the river barrier along the Murray was imposed in 1851, the decision retained the Riverina within the political jurisdiction of NSW. But until the rail system connected it to Sydney, the district was within the economic orbit of Melbourne. Local movements for the creation of new colonies by secession, or annexation by Victoria, were the result. Distance from Sydney and economic dependence on Victoria were forces driving these movements, but potential loss of political power by land and electoral reform acts also influenced the opinions of powerful squatter pastoralists. Moves in Riverina communities for annexation by Victoria diminished when it became apparent that no political advantage would be gained. The border regions saw Federation as a way out of their dilemma. The promise of removing the river customs barriers encouraged the idea of Federation. When the time came to vote, the YES majority in favour of Federation was strong in areas that suffered the vicissitudes of tariffs imposed on them by far away governments.

Most residents of NSW and Victoria, living in the coastal capitals or far from the river border, never had occasion to cross the Murray. Populations of the border regions frequently did so. This research indicates just how important effective bridges were to local communities. The narrow and shallow stream offered numerous fording opportunities but, just as the variable nature of the stream flow had to be factored into the operation of the steamers, the river often flooded, making crossing difficult or impossible. Private punts and ferries provided short term solutions, but bridges were needed for the barrier to be permanently and safely overcome. As common use facilities, privately constructed and managed bridges required payment of tolls. Public funds were required if constructed by government. Any river crossing by bridge involved two colonies and required a level of cooperation between the parties to fund, design, and operate the structures. Local communities were vocal in their demands for such facilities and construction only eventuated after these were made. Border communities felt they were ignored by the distant legislatures and did not receive their fair share of infrastructure spending. Bridges became symbols of restriction when controlling movement between the colonies, but hosted celebrations when duties were removed and when Federation was achieved. Most accounts of Federation celebrations focus on the events in Sydney, but this research concentrates on the reactions of the border residents, revealing their delight at the expected removal of unnecessary restrictions on their everyday lives and livelihoods.

European riverine communities were ambivalent about Chinese movements in the nineteenth century, having an economic need of their labour and produce but at the same time expressing a significant Sinophobia. This research contends that in the Upper Murray, much injustice was also caused by prejudicial Government policies and focusses on the impacts of colonial policies on the movement of Chinese people between the colonies. The river barrier acted as a quasi-international border utilised by colonial governments to control movement of Chinese people into the hinterlands. Whether the inland barrier provided any effective control of immigration onto the Australian continent is doubtful, but it did cause considerable disruption to the economic and cultural lives of Chinese residents. Attempts to limit immigration by taxing the import of opium had the undesired effect of encouraging cross-border smuggling. The river border and the imposition of entry taxes on border residents of Chinese descent also made much normal trade and intercourse illegal.

The river border's role as a customs barrier ended with Federation in 1901. Trade between the states became ‘absolutely free’ with responsibility for customs vested in the new Commonwealth. Similarly, immigration became a responsibility of the new Commonwealth Parliament and there was no barrier to movement within the country in normal times. Post Federation, the interstate borders are clearly marked at crossing places but normally cause no impediment to the crossing of people or goods. As occurred when pleuro-pneumonia threatened the livestock industry in 1861–62, the border has been used in emergency conditions to control the spread of contagious diseases in humans and agricultural products.

In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Upper Murray River took on its dual functions as a barrier and conduit because the surrounding areas were part of the British colonial system, operating in an area with distinctive bio-physical and cultural conditions. The dual functions were in turn responsible for altering the natural and human landscapes. After Federation, responsibility for immigration was vested in the Commonwealth and within a year the new parliament had passed the ‘Immigration Restriction Act 1901’. Based on the existing laws of the colonies its aim was to limit non-white (particularly Asian) immigration to Australia. It was not repealed until 1959. The last traces of the ‘White Australia Policy’ existed until the ‘Racial Discrimination Act’ of 1975 made it illegal to discriminate against migrants on the basis of race.

The valuable but scarce resource of the Murray River waters is still the subject of ongoing agreement and disagreement between the three riparian states and the Commonwealth, who hold competing claims on the limited supply. Water use in the Upper Murray has been largely for irrigation of semi-arid farmlands but there is emerging demand on the provision of water for environmental protection. Unlike its wild state during the era of the Upper Murray paddle steamers, the river is now a controlled stream with its flow dictated by irrigation needs. Low level bridges and a diversion weir at Mulwala/Yarrawonga inhibit the movement of all but small vessels. The river steamer trade served a purpose until its need was obviated by public expenditure on wide reaching rail and road networks.

The river as a barrier re-emerged for a short period in 1919 as a quarantine measure to combat the Spanish Influenza. Again in 2020/21 during the COVID 19 pandemic, movement between the states was controlled at the river border. Minor anomalies exist in cross border legislation but generally people and goods travel freely between the states. The Upper Murray is no longer a viable transport artery as rail and road transport provide much more reliable and efficient solutions to the transport dilemma. The Riverina and Upper Murray regions are still far from Sydney and Melbourne, but effective communications and transport mitigate the tyranny of distance.

In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues for the exploitation of hinterland regions. This research has shown how settlers like Hawdon, who equated change with progress, developed business at the expense of the river and its riparian zones. But the same environment also limited these economic pursuits and forced the (slow) comprehension of damage caused by short term exploitation. David Spurr hoped that this research, which reveals for the first time how the Upper Murray River developed to function as both conduit and barrier to trade, transport and diplomacy, also contributes to this growing comprehension. It was written with love for that friendly river.

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