儒家思想是否符合拉克劳的民主理念?

Thomas Moore
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文将把儒家民主与埃内斯托-拉克劳(Ernesto Laclau,2005 年)在《论民粹理性》(On Populist Reason)中提出的民主概念联系起来,从而对儒家民主提出一个新的视角。具体而言,我认为儒家政治理论中规范上理想的统治者与被统治者之间的关系可以概念化为人民对贤能的领导者进行激进的投资。这一论证将分几个步骤进行。首先,我将介绍儒家思想的来龙去脉以及拉克劳(2005)的新政治本体论。其次,我将借鉴雅克-拉康(Jacques Lacan)(2001)的精神分析著作,探讨激进投资的概念,以及政治家、修辞学家和哲学家如何通过使用空洞的符号,即没有固定概念符号的符号(如 MAGA 或 "夺回控制权")来呼吁激进投资。在拉克劳对拉康精神分析学的应用中,这些符号代表了一个无法实现的完全和谐的社会,不同利益之间没有冲突。然后,我将论证孔子政治信息的核心部分,即他不断倡导以周朝圣王为榜样的贤君,本质上是拉克劳的政治概念,因为周王在孔子的政治理论中扮演着空洞符号的角色。也就是说,他们代表了一种无法实现的完全和谐社会的理想。最后,我认为这增加了儒家思想与民主兼容的可能性,因为这些心理分析的动力可以在现代民主国家中复制,而且如果一个有德行的领导者利用这些动力,在规范上也是可取的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Ali je konfucianizem združljiv z laclauovskim pojmovanjem demokracije?
This paper will introduce a novel perspective on Confucian democracy by connecting it with Ernesto Laclau’s (2005) conception of democracy in On Populist Reason. Specifically, I argue that the normatively ideal ruler-ruled relationship in Confucian political theory can be conceptualized as the people making a radical investment in a virtuous leader. This argument will proceed in several steps. Firstly, I will provide context surrounding Confucianism and Laclau’s (2005) novel political ontology. Secondly, I will draw on the psychoanalytic work of Jacques Lacan (2001) to explore the notion of a radical investment and how it can be appealed to by politicians, rhetoricians and philosophers through their use of empty signifiers, signifiers without a fixed conceptual signified (such as MAGA or “Take Back Control”). In Laclau’s application of Lacanian psychoanalysis these represent an unachievable full harmonious community with no conflicts between different interests. I will then argue that a core part of Confucius’ political message, his constant advocacy for a virtuous ruler modelled on the Sage-Kings of the Zhou dynasty, is essentially a Laclauian conception of politics, because the Zhou kings are playing the role of empty signifiers in Confucius’ political theory. That is, they represent an unachievable ideal of a fully harmonious community. Finally, I argue that this increases Confucianism’s potential for compatibility with democracy since these psychoanalytic dynamics could be replicable in modern democracies and would be normatively desirable should a virtuous leader utilize them.
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