州长的爪牙:内战时期西弗吉尼亚州的人质和劫持人质》,Randall S. Gooden 著(评论)

Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI:10.1353/soh.2024.a925468
Thomas W. Robinson
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The hostage law allowed for the retaliatory taking of hostages seized in exchange for pro-Union civilian hostages, but it also permitted the arrest of suspected disloyal persons.</p> <p>The real strength of Gooden’s work (and this should come as no surprise since the author also served as the assistant curator of the West Virginia and Regional History Collection) is the focus on individual case histories, which serve as examples for the larger issues at play. By focusing on case histories, Gooden shows how and why certain people were targeted to be arrested as hostages and also shows the delicate balancing act between federal and state powers in West Virginia. The book delves slightly into the postwar years as well, where Gooden surveys the contrasting experiences of several former hostages. 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以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 州长的爪牙:内战时期西弗吉尼亚州的人质和劫持人质》 作者:Randall S. Gooden Thomas W. Robinson 《州长的爪牙:内战时期西弗吉尼亚州的人质和劫持人质》。作者:兰德尔-S-古登。解读内战》。(俄亥俄州肯特市:肯特州立大学出版社,2023 年。页码 xxii, 250。55.00美元,ISBN 978-1-60635-457-5)。经过数十年的写作和数以千计的相关书籍的出版,很难相信人们还能在内战通史中找到一个基本缺失的主题。但兰德尔-S-古登(Randall S. Gooden)通过这部出色的西弗吉尼亚州劫持人质史完成了这一壮举。古登是土生土长的西弗吉尼亚人,他将重点放在了自己的家乡,因为尽管在战争史上劫持人质是一种常见的战术,南北战争期间双方都曾使用过,但西弗吉尼亚州的劫持人质行为却是独一无二的:这是一项正式的州计划,被编入了州法律,并由州长负责管理。古登在书中首先介绍了亟需的劫持人质入门知识、劫持人质的历史及其在北美的演变。他还提供了有关弗吉尼亚州东部和西部之间社会和政治分歧的出色背景资料,这些分歧导致西弗吉尼亚州成为一个独立的州。古登有说服力地指出,这些分歧直接导致了在战时出现劫持人质的极端环境。西弗吉尼亚州于 1863 年通过了正式的人质法,但甚至在此之前,在骑兵突袭、治安扫荡和游击队袭击期间也发生过劫持人质事件,因为 1861 年战争开始时,该地区是许多早期竞选活动的发源地。这些事件直接促成了正式的人质法,因为分裂出来组成西弗吉尼亚州的联盟派郡县指出,1863 年 4-5 月邦联琼斯-英博登突袭等行动证明了人质法的必要性。因此,主张西弗吉尼亚州独立建州的人往往也主张将劫持人质作为一项必要的战时措施。人质法允许报复性扣押人质,以换取亲联邦的平民人质,但也允许逮捕涉嫌不忠的人。古登作品的真正优势(这一点不足为奇,因为作者还担任过西弗吉尼亚州和地区历史藏品的助理馆长)在于对个案历史的关注,这些个案历史是更大问题的例证。古登通过对个案历史的关注,展示了某些人作为人质被逮捕的方式和原因,也展示了西弗吉尼亚州联邦和州权力之间微妙的平衡。本书还略微深入到战后时期,古登调查了几位前人质的截然不同的经历。他发现,战争结束后,一些前人质在社会上和职业上遭到排斥,而另一些人则将他们的人质经历作为一种骄傲,一种西弗吉尼亚版的挥舞血衣。古登并没有深入探讨战后时期,不过,公平地说,这并不是本书的主题。州长的爪牙:内战时期西弗吉尼亚州的人质和劫持人质》是一部优秀的作品,古登使用了多种资料来源,值得称赞。毫无疑问,这是一部地方史,但它也与有关内战和公民自由的作品十分契合,并突出了内战时期州长们所面临的政治和社会压力(阿瑟-I-博勒曼州长留下了详细的记录,古登在很大程度上依赖于这些记录)。该书应被广泛阅读。[Thomas W. Robinson Tallahassee Community College 版权所有 © 2024 美国南方历史协会 ...
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The Governor's Pawns: Hostages and Hostage-Taking in Civil War West Virginia By Randall S. Gooden (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • The Governor’s Pawns: Hostages and Hostage-Taking in Civil War West Virginia By Randall S. Gooden
  • Thomas W. Robinson
The Governor’s Pawns: Hostages and Hostage-Taking in Civil War West Virginia. By Randall S. Gooden. Interpreting the Civil War. (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2023. Pp. xxii, 250. $55.00, ISBN 978-1-60635-457-5.)

After decades of writing and thousands of books on the topic, it is hard to believe that one can find a subject largely absent from general Civil War histories. But Randall S. Gooden has accomplished such a feat with this excellent history of hostage-taking in West Virginia. Gooden, a West Virginia native, focuses on his home state because, while hostage-taking was a common tactic throughout the history of warfare and was utilized by both sides during the Civil War, hostage-taking in West Virginia was unique: it was an official state program, codified in state law and administered by the governor.

Gooden begins his work with a much-needed primer on hostage-taking, its history, and its evolution in North America. He also includes outstanding background information on the social and political divisions between eastern and western Virginia, which led to the creation of West Virginia as a separate state. Gooden persuasively argues that these divisions had a direct role in creating an environment where taking hostages would emerge during wartime extremes. West Virginia passed a formal hostage law in 1863, but even before that, hostage-taking occurred during cavalry raids, security sweeps, and guerrilla attacks as the region was home to much early campaigning when the war began in 1861. These types of events directly led to the formal hostage law, as the Unionist counties that broke off to form West Virginia pointed to actions such as the Confederate Jones-Imboden raid of April–May 1863 as proof that a hostage law was a necessity. Thus, advocates of West Virginia’s own separate statehood often were advocates of hostage-taking as a necessary wartime measure as well. The hostage law allowed for the retaliatory taking of hostages seized in exchange for pro-Union civilian hostages, but it also permitted the arrest of suspected disloyal persons.

The real strength of Gooden’s work (and this should come as no surprise since the author also served as the assistant curator of the West Virginia and Regional History Collection) is the focus on individual case histories, which serve as examples for the larger issues at play. By focusing on case histories, Gooden shows how and why certain people were targeted to be arrested as hostages and also shows the delicate balancing act between federal and state powers in West Virginia. The book delves slightly into the postwar years as well, where Gooden surveys the contrasting experiences of several former hostages. He finds that while some former hostages were ostracized socially and professionally once the war ended, others used their experience as a hostage as a source of pride, a sort of West Virginia version of waving the bloody shirt. Gooden does not dive deep into the postwar period, although, to be fair, that is not the object of the book.

The Governor’s Pawns: Hostages and Hostage-Taking in Civil War West Virginia is an excellent work, and Gooden deserves praise for using a variety of sources. It is a local history, no doubt, but it also fits in well with works on the Civil War and civil liberties and highlights the political and social pressures Civil War governors faced (Governor Arthur I. Boreman left detailed records that Gooden relies heavily on). It should be widely read. [End Page 436]

Thomas W. Robinson Tallahassee Community College Copyright © 2024 The Southern Historical Association ...

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