凯文-麦奎尼(Kevin McQueeney)所著的《没有关爱的城市:新奥尔良 300 年的种族主义、健康差异和医疗活动》(评论

IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Ezelle Sanford III
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Simpson among a growing cohort of scholars who critically examine racial inequities and the history of American medicine and health care at the local level. With his new book, <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em>, McQueeney brings a deep knowledge of the complex development of health care in New Orleans to join others’ studies of Memphis, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and Houston.</p> <p>McQueeney traces the development of a “racialized health care system,” which he defines as “one built on [d]ifferent levels of access to, and treatment for, whites versus nonwhites, based on the placement of individuals into racial categories, and often on ideas of scientific racism that define African Americans as biologically different from and inferior to whites” and on “[t]he embedding of racism into the structure of health care, seen most visibly in historically white health care institutions (hospitals, clinics, medical schools, etc.) that have carried out efforts of exclusion of African Americans as patients and practitioners and the exploitation of African Americans by white medical practitioners for profit and professional advancement” (p. 5). Central to McQueeney’s exploration of racialization in urban American health care is the notion that racial health disparities are historically produced.</p> <p>His sweeping study traverses more than three hundred years, beginning with the French colonial foundations of New Orleans in 1718. He explores the <strong>[End Page 408]</strong> development of its white medical establishment and its connections to the economies of enslavement. By 1861, New Orleans had become “the ‘medical metropolis of the South,’” a title supported by two of the city’s first hospitals: the French Company of the Indies’s Royal Hospital and the private Charity Hospital (p. 33). Both institutions owned enslaved people. After an examination of the short-lived Freedmen’s Bureau hospital system, McQueeney recounts the development of an “alternate Black medical district,” which included the city’s Black-owned and Black-operated Flint Goodridge Hospital, a facility with more than one hundred beds (p. 14). The district also included Black doctors’ private practices. Importantly, McQueeney details the structural forces behind Flint Goodridge’s struggle for resources and Charity Hospital’s transition from a segregated white institution to one dominated by Black indigent patients. He clearly explains the impact of funding and policy shifts, at the federal and local levels, which fueled the growth of private, historically white institutions. He ends with the racialized disparities made visible by the impact of Hurricane Katrina and the recent COVID-19 pandemic.</p> <p>Throughout his chronological survey, McQueeney offers a careful historical analysis of the structures that have produced and reproduced racialized health outcomes in New Orleans. He argues that at three critical turning points—1868 to 1877, the 1910s to the 1930s, and the late 1960s—the process of racialization could have been stalled or even reversed. However, McQueeney’s findings align with those of other scholars who identify the social, political, and economic processes that further entrenched racial health inequities.</p> <p>McQueeney demonstrates that New Orleans was anything but “a city without care.” More than a study in the history of medicine and public health, as the author makes clear, <em>A City without Care</em> is an urban history. He is critical of the so-called meds-and-eds economy as urban renaissance, as he carefully follows the relationship between the city’s anchor medical institutions, namely, Flint Goodridge Hospital, Charity Hospital, and the city’s two medical schools (Tulane University’s and Louisiana State University’s). Aided by federal funding (excluding Flint Goodridge), these institutions have shaped New Orleans’s geography and spatial relationships. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 一座没有关怀的城市:新奥尔良 300 年的种族主义、健康差异和医疗活动》,凯文-麦奎尼 Ezelle Sanford III 著,《一座没有关怀的城市:新奥尔良 300 年的种族主义、健康差异和医疗活动》。作者:凯文-麦奎尼。社会医学研究》。(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023 年。第 xiv、271 页。纸质版,29.95 美元,ISBN 978-1-4696-7392-9;布质版,99.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-4696-7391-2)。Kevin McQueeney 与 Keith Wailoo、Samuel Kelton Roberts Jr.、Andrew T. Simpson 等越来越多的学者一道,批判性地审视了种族不平等现象以及美国医学和医疗保健在地方层面的历史。McQueeney 的新书《没有医疗的城市:新奥尔良 300 年的种族主义、健康差异和医疗活动》将他对新奥尔良复杂的医疗发展的深刻了解融入到对孟菲斯、巴尔的摩、匹兹堡和休斯顿的研究中。麦克奎尼追溯了 "种族化医疗保健体系 "的发展历程,他将其定义为 "一个建立在白人与非白人在获取和治疗方面存在差异的体系,其基础是将个人划分为不同的种族类别,而且往往是将非裔美国人定义为在生物学上不同于白人且不如白人的科学种族主义观念",以及 "种族主义嵌入医疗保健结构,这在历来以白人为主的医疗保健机构(医院、诊所、医学院等)中最为明显,这些机构开展了排斥非裔美国人的工作"。这些机构将非裔美国人排斥在病人和医生之外,白人医生为了利润和职业发展剥削非裔美国人"(第 5 页)。McQueeney 探讨美国城市医疗保健中的种族化问题的核心是种族健康差异是历史造成的这一概念。他的研究从 1718 年法国殖民者在新奥尔良建城开始,历时三百多年。他探讨了新奥尔良白人医疗机构的发展及其与奴役经济的联系。到 1861 年,新奥尔良已成为 "南方的医疗大都会",该市最早的两家医院--法国印度公司的皇家医院和私人慈善医院--为这一称号提供了支持(第 33 页)。这两家医院都拥有被奴役者。在对昙花一现的自由人局医院系统进行研究后,McQueeney 讲述了 "另类黑人医疗区 "的发展历程,其中包括该市黑人所有、黑人运营的弗林特-古德里奇医院,该医院拥有 100 多张病床(第 14 页)。该区还包括黑人医生的私人诊所。重要的是,McQueeney 详细描述了弗林特古德里奇医院争取资源以及慈善医院从一家种族隔离的白人医院转变为一家以黑人贫困患者为主的医院背后的结构性力量。他清楚地解释了联邦和地方层面的资金和政策转变所产生的影响,这些影响推动了私立的、历史上属于白人的机构的发展。最后,他介绍了卡特里娜飓风和最近的 COVID-19 大流行所造成的种族差异。McQueeney 按时间顺序对新奥尔良产生和复制种族化健康结果的结构进行了细致的历史分析。他认为,在三个关键的转折点--1868 年至 1877 年、1910 年代至 1930 年代以及 20 世纪 60 年代末,种族化进程本可以停滞甚至逆转。然而,McQueeney 的研究结果与其他学者的研究结果一致,这些学者指出了社会、政治和经济进程进一步加剧了种族健康不平等。McQueeney 证明,新奥尔良并不是一座 "没有关爱的城市"。正如作者明确指出的那样,《没有医疗的城市》不仅仅是一部医学史和公共卫生史研究,更是一部城市史。他对作为城市复兴的所谓医疗和医疗经济持批判态度,因为他仔细研究了该市主要医疗机构,即弗林特古德里奇医院、慈善医院和该市两所医学院(杜兰大学医学院和路易斯安那州立大学医学院)之间的关系。在联邦资助(不包括弗林特古德里奇医院)的帮助下,这些机构塑造了新奥尔良的地理和空间关系。因此,这些医院的努力...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans by Kevin McQueeney (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans by Kevin McQueeney
  • Ezelle Sanford III
A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans. By Kevin McQueeney. Studies in Social Medicine. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 271. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7392-9; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7391-2.)

Kevin McQueeney joins the likes of Keith Wailoo, Samuel Kelton Roberts Jr., and Andrew T. Simpson among a growing cohort of scholars who critically examine racial inequities and the history of American medicine and health care at the local level. With his new book, A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans, McQueeney brings a deep knowledge of the complex development of health care in New Orleans to join others’ studies of Memphis, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and Houston.

McQueeney traces the development of a “racialized health care system,” which he defines as “one built on [d]ifferent levels of access to, and treatment for, whites versus nonwhites, based on the placement of individuals into racial categories, and often on ideas of scientific racism that define African Americans as biologically different from and inferior to whites” and on “[t]he embedding of racism into the structure of health care, seen most visibly in historically white health care institutions (hospitals, clinics, medical schools, etc.) that have carried out efforts of exclusion of African Americans as patients and practitioners and the exploitation of African Americans by white medical practitioners for profit and professional advancement” (p. 5). Central to McQueeney’s exploration of racialization in urban American health care is the notion that racial health disparities are historically produced.

His sweeping study traverses more than three hundred years, beginning with the French colonial foundations of New Orleans in 1718. He explores the [End Page 408] development of its white medical establishment and its connections to the economies of enslavement. By 1861, New Orleans had become “the ‘medical metropolis of the South,’” a title supported by two of the city’s first hospitals: the French Company of the Indies’s Royal Hospital and the private Charity Hospital (p. 33). Both institutions owned enslaved people. After an examination of the short-lived Freedmen’s Bureau hospital system, McQueeney recounts the development of an “alternate Black medical district,” which included the city’s Black-owned and Black-operated Flint Goodridge Hospital, a facility with more than one hundred beds (p. 14). The district also included Black doctors’ private practices. Importantly, McQueeney details the structural forces behind Flint Goodridge’s struggle for resources and Charity Hospital’s transition from a segregated white institution to one dominated by Black indigent patients. He clearly explains the impact of funding and policy shifts, at the federal and local levels, which fueled the growth of private, historically white institutions. He ends with the racialized disparities made visible by the impact of Hurricane Katrina and the recent COVID-19 pandemic.

Throughout his chronological survey, McQueeney offers a careful historical analysis of the structures that have produced and reproduced racialized health outcomes in New Orleans. He argues that at three critical turning points—1868 to 1877, the 1910s to the 1930s, and the late 1960s—the process of racialization could have been stalled or even reversed. However, McQueeney’s findings align with those of other scholars who identify the social, political, and economic processes that further entrenched racial health inequities.

McQueeney demonstrates that New Orleans was anything but “a city without care.” More than a study in the history of medicine and public health, as the author makes clear, A City without Care is an urban history. He is critical of the so-called meds-and-eds economy as urban renaissance, as he carefully follows the relationship between the city’s anchor medical institutions, namely, Flint Goodridge Hospital, Charity Hospital, and the city’s two medical schools (Tulane University’s and Louisiana State University’s). Aided by federal funding (excluding Flint Goodridge), these institutions have shaped New Orleans’s geography and spatial relationships. Consequently, these efforts of hospital...

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