分区结构和选举空间的扭曲

Yu.G. Korgunyuk
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引用次数: 0

摘要

文章介绍了对这一假设的检验结果,根据这一假设,为 "执政党 "填充选票虽然会对选举分裂结构造成轻微扭曲,但不会从根本上改变选举分裂结构。作者用 2016 年和 2021 年按比例制规则举行的俄罗斯联邦国家杜马选举的数据检验了这一假设。他使用了以下方法:在据称使用了有利于 "统一俄罗斯 "党的填充选票的地区,根据与 "统一俄罗斯 "党和其他选举参与者之间的对抗有关的选举裂痕的最大范围和有效范围之间的差异,从 "统一俄罗斯 "党的选举结果中减去一定数量的选票。作者使用了两个模型进行计算:在第一个模型中,扣除的临界值是最大范围和有效范围之间的差值为 50%,在第二个模型中,差值为 5%。在 2016 年选举中,第一个模型从 "统一俄罗斯 "手中夺走了 610 多万张选票,第二个模型夺走了 1250 多万张选票;在 2021 年选举中,分别夺走了 500 多万张和 1000 多万张选票。尽管如此,选举分裂结构并未发生根本变化,更不用说消除了。研究表明,虽然有利于 "执政党 "的选票填充人为地过分强调了专制与民主对立的作用,使其他对立靠边站,但选举裂痕结构本身在很大程度上得以保留。数学方法,特别是因子分析,可以有效地用于检测这种结构。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Структура размежеваний и искажение электорального пространства
The article presents the results of testing the hypothesis, according to which ballot stuffing in favor of the “party in power”, while causing minor distortions to the structure of electoral cleavages, does not fundamentally change it. The author tested the hypothesis on the data from the 2016 and 2021 elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation held via proportional system rules. He used the following method: in the regions where ballot stuffing was allegedly used in favor of the United Russia party, a certain number of votes were subtracted from the United Russia electoral results in accordance with the difference between the maximum and effective ranges of the electoral cleavage related to the confrontation between of the United Russia and the rest of elections’ participants. The author employed two models to run calculations: in the first model the threshold for deduction was a difference of 50% between the maximum and effective range, in the second model the difference was 5%. For 2016 elections, the first model took away more than 6.1 million votes from the United Russia, the second model subtracted more than 12.5 million votes; for 2021 elections — more than 5 and more than 10 million votes, respectively. Nevertheless, there was no radical change in the structure of electoral cleavages, let alone its elimination. The study showed that although ballot stuffing in favor of the “party in power” artificially overemphasizes the role of the authoritarian-democratic confrontation, sidelining other confrontations, the structure of electoral cleavages per se is largely preserved. Mathematical methods, especially factor analysis, can be efficiently used to detect this structure.
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