革命是帝国向民族国家的过渡:比较苏联和中国的道路

IF 1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY
Luyang Zhou
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引用次数: 0

摘要

革命是如何促进帝国向民族国家过渡的?本文比较了布尔什维克革命和中国共产党革命。文章从国家建设的三个方面对苏中比较进行了概念化:从普遍社会中分离、建立民族文化核心和克服内部民族政治。两个社会主义政权都将中央集权控制与少数民族的有限自治相结合,以适应民族国家模式。然而,苏联声称自己是一个民族国家的普遍联盟,它应该不断接纳新成员,直至覆盖全球,而中华人民共和国则类似于一个典型的民族国家,它以 "中华民族 "为名,保留了多民族性和封闭的边界。在分析革命的影响时,本文探究了三种关系:革命间关系、革命-社会关系和革命-反革命关系。作为布尔什维克革命的追随者,中国共产党(CCP)在苏联的全球共产主义计划中被局限为一个国家的组成部分。这塑造了中国共产党封闭的地理活动空间、汉族为主的民族构成和民族解放意识。与布尔什维克相比,中国共产党的动员覆盖了更广泛的社会阶层,这为将传统文化转化为民族文化提供了更强大的人力和动力。中国共产党在边疆地区的力量薄弱,因此对 "民族自决 "理论持谨慎态度,不敢像布尔什维克在建立苏联时那样将其作为革命输出的地缘政治武器。由于上述革命轨迹的差异,中国共产党对 "中国 "的接受程度高于布尔什维克对 "俄国 "的接受程度,这导致了两种截然不同的将帝国重组为民族国家的方式。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Revolution as a transition from empire to nation-state(s): Comparing the Soviet and Chinese paths
How did revolutions facilitate empires’ transition to nation-states? This article compares the Bolshevik and the Chinese Communist Revolutions. It conceptualizes this Soviet–Sino comparison through three dimensions of nation-building: separating from a universal community, building a national cultural core and overcoming internal ethnopolitics. Both socialist regimes accommodated the nation-state model by fusing centralized control with limited autonomy for ethnic minorities. Yet, whereas the Soviet Union claimed to be a universal union of nation-states, which was supposed to keep accepting new members until it covered the entire globe, the People’s Republic of China resembled a typical nation-state that preserved multiethnicity and enclosed borders under the title of the ‘Chinese Nation’. In analyzing the influence of revolutions, this article probes three relations: inter-revolution, revolution–society and revolution–counterrevolution. Arising after the Bolsheviks as a follower-revolution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was confined to a national component of the USSR’s global communism project. This shaped the CCP’s enclosed geographical activity space, Han-dominated ethnic composition and the consciousness of national liberation. The CCP’s mobilization covered far wider social strata than the Bolsheviks’ had, which engendered stronger manpower and motivation to transform the traditional culture into a national culture. Being weak at its borderlands, the CCP was cautious about the doctrine of ‘national self-determination’, not daring to make it a geopolitical weapon for revolution export as the Bolsheviks had done in founding the Soviet Union. Owing to each of these differences in revolutionary trajectories, the CCP was more receptive to ‘China’ than the Bolsheviks were to ‘Russia’, and this led to two distinctive ways of reorganizing empires into nation-states.
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来源期刊
Thesis Eleven
Thesis Eleven SOCIOLOGY-
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
12.50%
发文量
54
期刊介绍: Established in 1996 Thesis Eleven is a truly international and interdisciplinary peer reviewed journal. Innovative and authorative the journal encourages the development of social theory in the broadest sense by consistently producing articles, reviews and debate with a central focus on theories of society, culture, and politics and the understanding of modernity. The purpose of this journal is to encourage the development of social theory in the broadest sense. We view social theory as both multidisciplinary and plural, reaching across social sciences and liberal arts and cultivating a diversity of critical theories of modernity across both the German and French senses of critical theory.
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