自然阅读中的视网膜旁和视网膜 N400 效应:从固定相关电位看语义处理时间表

Psychophysiology Pub Date : 2024-05-01 Epub Date: 2024-01-31 DOI:10.1111/psyp.14524
Nan Li, Suiping Wang, Florian Kornrumpf, Werner Sommer, Olaf Dimigen
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在阅读过程中,视网膜旁单词的处理深度一直是一个争论不休的话题。最近使用 RSVP-with-flanker范式进行的研究表明,当句子中的似是而非的单词还在视网膜旁时,它们就会引起 N400 分量,这表明视网膜旁单词的语义可以被访问以快速更新句子表征。为了研究自然阅读中的这种效应,我们将眼球运动和脑电图的核心注册与固定相关电位(FRPs)的解卷积建模结合起来,以检验在中文句子阅读过程中是否在视网膜旁对语义似然性进行了处理。对于每个句子中的一个目标词,使用边界范式对其视旁和视网膜似然性进行正交调控。与之前的眼动研究一致,我们观察到了视网膜旁可信度对固着持续时间的延迟效应,这种效应只出现在视网膜词上。最重要的是,在与目标前固定对齐的 FRPs 中,已经出现了明显的基于视网膜旁可信性的 N400 效应,在不可信的预览中出现了更多的负电压。一旦参与者固定了目标,我们再次观察到眼窝似然性的 N400 效应。有趣的是,只要预览是似是而非的,就不会出现这种眼窝 N400 效应,这表明当一个单词的(不)似是而非性已经在视网膜旁视觉中得到处理时,这一信息在直接固定目标时就不会再被修正。似是而非的单词也会引起晚期正向成分(LPC),但仅限于在眼窝视觉中。我们的研究结果不仅为视网膜旁吸收语义信息提供了趋同的神经和行为证据,而且还表明视网膜旁和视网膜信息对高层次句子加工的贡献是不同的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Parafoveal and foveal N400 effects in natural reading: A timeline of semantic processing from fixation-related potentials.

The depth at which parafoveal words are processed during reading is an ongoing topic of debate. Recent studies using RSVP-with-flanker paradigms have shown that implausible words within sentences elicit an N400 component while they are still in parafoveal vision, suggesting that the semantics of parafoveal words can be accessed to rapidly update the sentence representation. To study this effect in natural reading, we combined the coregistration of eye movements and EEG with the deconvolution modeling of fixation-related potentials (FRPs) to test whether semantic plausibility is processed parafoveally during Chinese sentence reading. For one target word per sentence, both its parafoveal and foveal plausibility were orthogonally manipulated using the boundary paradigm. Consistent with previous eye movement studies, we observed a delayed effect of parafoveal plausibility on fixation durations that only emerged on the foveal word. Crucially, in FRPs aligned to the pretarget fixation, a clear N400 effect emerged already based on parafoveal plausibility, with more negative voltages for implausible previews. Once participants fixated the target, we again observed an N400 effect of foveal plausibility. Interestingly, this foveal N400 was absent whenever the preview had been implausible, indicating that when a word's (im)plausibility is already processed in parafoveal vision, this information is not revised anymore upon direct fixation. Implausible words also elicited a late positive component (LPC), but exclusively when in foveal vision. Our results not only provide convergent neural and behavioral evidence for the parafoveal uptake of semantic information, but also indicate different contributions of parafoveal versus foveal information toward higher level sentence processing.

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