走向政治义务的普遍性理论:后结构主义方法

Giorgi Tskhadaia
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摘要

发展一种可信的政治义务理论对于理解我们当前的政治生活或构建新的政治生活至关重要。然而,事实证明很难达成一种具有普遍性且逻辑上一致的理论。如果不坚持某些普遍性原则,如自由和平等,人们可能会基于特殊性的理由为个人效忠专制政权进行辩护。此外,有人可能会说,如果不能设计出政治义务的一般理论,我们就有理由诉诸无政府主义。尽管涉及如此重大的政治利益,但还是出现了这样一种论点,即政治义务的普遍主义方法在逻辑上是不一致的,因为它们违背了特殊性要求。后者要求任何关于个人对政治实体的义务的合理理论都应说明他们为什么要服从特定权威的规则和命令。本文借鉴埃内斯托-拉克劳(Ernesto Laclau)和香塔尔-穆夫(Chantal Mouffe)的后结构主义理论,证明普遍主义与特殊主义的二分法不一定会对成功的政治义务理论产生破坏性影响。事实上,在接受特殊性要求的同时,也可以论证政治义务具有普遍性的主旨。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Toward a universalistic theory of political obligation: A post-structuralist approach
Developing a plausible theory of political obligation is crucial for understanding our current political lives or constructing new ones. However, it proved to be hard to arrive at a theory that is universalistic and logically consistent. Without adherence to certain universalistic principles, such as freedom and equality, one might be tempted to justify individuals’ allegiance to authoritarian regimes based on particularistic reasons. Also, one may argue that if a general theory of political obligation cannot be devised, we are justified to resort to anarchism. Despite such high political stakes involved, a contention arose that universalistic approaches to political obligation are logically inconsistent because they run afoul of a particularity requirement. The latter is a demand that any plausible theory of individuals’ obligations toward a political entity should account for the reasons why they should obey the rules and orders of a specific authority. In this article, drawing on Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s post-structuralist theory, I demonstrate that the dichotomy of universalism vs. particularism need not have destructive effects for a successful theory of political obligation. Indeed, it is possible to accept a particularity requirement but at the same time, argue that political obligations have a universalistic thrust.
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