{"title":"未走完的改革之路重新审视艾伦-布林克利的《改革的终结","authors":"Aaron Freedman","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917244","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\n<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley’s <em>The End of Reform</em> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Aaron Freedman (bio) </li> </ul> Alan Brinkley, <em>The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War</em>. New York: Vintage, 1996. x + 384 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $17.95. <p>In 1985, Alan Brinkley, then still a relatively young scholar whose first book had only been published two years earlier, took to the pages of this journal to assess a giant: Richard Hofstadter’s <em>The Age of Reform</em>. Thirty years after its original publication, Brinkley wrote, Hofstadter’s treatise loomed over the field of American political history as “something of a relic.” More recent scholarship had pilloried Hofstadter’s often condescending portrayal of the late-nineteenth-century agrarian populists as left-behind reactionaries, and his “consensus school” approach to American history seemed woefully out of date in the wake of the Reagan Revolution’s toppling of the postwar liberal order. <em>The Age of Reform</em>, Brinkley pronounced, had come to “embody something of a scholarly paradox…It is a book whose central interpretations few historians any longer accept, but one whose influence few historians can escape.”<sup>1</sup></p> <p>Yet despite this tough judgement, now akin to conventional wisdom for generations of students of American history, Brinkley found that something quite useful remained in <em>The Age of Reform</em>, an observation that had in fact improved with age: its understanding of the New Deal not as the completion of a decades-long arc of reform, but as a break from it. As Brinkley noted, Hofstadter had touched on what was still an uncomfortable truth in the 1950s: that the old driving forces of reform—antimonopoly and state planning—had, by the end of Roosevelt’s life, given way to something else entirely. Whereas earlier generations of reformers looked to fundamentally restructure the capitalist system itself, the liberalism ascendent after World War II aspired to a more modest shift: a big business-approved form of Keynesian demand management with a side of social welfare and individual rights protection. Though Brinkley was left dissatisfied with Hofstadter’s treatment of how and why “the language of liberalism, and the substantive direction of liberalism” <strong>[End Page 289]</strong> had changed, he recognized that question as core to understanding America in the twentieth century.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>It is now nearly thirty years since the publication of <em>The End of Reform</em>, the book in which Brinkley first worked through his own answer to Hofstadter’s question. It is difficult to avoid a comparison of the two scholars. While never reaching quite the stature of Hofstadter at his prime, Brinkley nonetheless became a towering figure in American political history, his influence felt both in the academy and the public sphere. While his 1994 article “The Problem of American Conservatism” in the <em>American Historical Review</em> kickstarted a generation of scholarship on the American right, his best-selling textbooks became some of the most common gateways into American history for high school and college students. And like Hofstadter, Brinkley passed away at a tragically young age, denying him the opportunity to publish scholarship that engaged with new historical trends. Given that, looking back at Brinkley’s work now, it is all too easy to see a relic like Hofstadter’s: a focus on the traditional white, male, elite subjects of political history that largely ignores the role of grassroots political actors and the ways in which race, gender, and sexuality inform politics and the state.</p> <p>But to end an appraisal of Brinkley here is to miss the enduring relevance of his career-long project of interrogating liberalism. It is an effort that could not be more urgent in the present moment, and one that deserves the same careful consideration that Brinkley himself once afforded to Hofstadter. While many scholars have taken up the history of the New Deal before and since, <em>The End of Reform</em> remains an invaluable examination of one of the great pivot points in American history: the narrowing of the expansive reform project of the populists, progressives, and early New Dealers into the ideology and practice we now know as postwar liberalism. Even more so than Brinkley, the benefit of hindsight allows us to appreciate this liberalism not as some endpoint...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley's The End of Reform\",\"authors\":\"Aaron Freedman\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/rah.2023.a917244\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\\n<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley’s <em>The End of Reform</em> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Aaron Freedman (bio) </li> </ul> Alan Brinkley, <em>The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War</em>. New York: Vintage, 1996. x + 384 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $17.95. <p>In 1985, Alan Brinkley, then still a relatively young scholar whose first book had only been published two years earlier, took to the pages of this journal to assess a giant: Richard Hofstadter’s <em>The Age of Reform</em>. Thirty years after its original publication, Brinkley wrote, Hofstadter’s treatise loomed over the field of American political history as “something of a relic.” More recent scholarship had pilloried Hofstadter’s often condescending portrayal of the late-nineteenth-century agrarian populists as left-behind reactionaries, and his “consensus school” approach to American history seemed woefully out of date in the wake of the Reagan Revolution’s toppling of the postwar liberal order. <em>The Age of Reform</em>, Brinkley pronounced, had come to “embody something of a scholarly paradox…It is a book whose central interpretations few historians any longer accept, but one whose influence few historians can escape.”<sup>1</sup></p> <p>Yet despite this tough judgement, now akin to conventional wisdom for generations of students of American history, Brinkley found that something quite useful remained in <em>The Age of Reform</em>, an observation that had in fact improved with age: its understanding of the New Deal not as the completion of a decades-long arc of reform, but as a break from it. As Brinkley noted, Hofstadter had touched on what was still an uncomfortable truth in the 1950s: that the old driving forces of reform—antimonopoly and state planning—had, by the end of Roosevelt’s life, given way to something else entirely. Whereas earlier generations of reformers looked to fundamentally restructure the capitalist system itself, the liberalism ascendent after World War II aspired to a more modest shift: a big business-approved form of Keynesian demand management with a side of social welfare and individual rights protection. Though Brinkley was left dissatisfied with Hofstadter’s treatment of how and why “the language of liberalism, and the substantive direction of liberalism” <strong>[End Page 289]</strong> had changed, he recognized that question as core to understanding America in the twentieth century.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>It is now nearly thirty years since the publication of <em>The End of Reform</em>, the book in which Brinkley first worked through his own answer to Hofstadter’s question. It is difficult to avoid a comparison of the two scholars. While never reaching quite the stature of Hofstadter at his prime, Brinkley nonetheless became a towering figure in American political history, his influence felt both in the academy and the public sphere. While his 1994 article “The Problem of American Conservatism” in the <em>American Historical Review</em> kickstarted a generation of scholarship on the American right, his best-selling textbooks became some of the most common gateways into American history for high school and college students. And like Hofstadter, Brinkley passed away at a tragically young age, denying him the opportunity to publish scholarship that engaged with new historical trends. Given that, looking back at Brinkley’s work now, it is all too easy to see a relic like Hofstadter’s: a focus on the traditional white, male, elite subjects of political history that largely ignores the role of grassroots political actors and the ways in which race, gender, and sexuality inform politics and the state.</p> <p>But to end an appraisal of Brinkley here is to miss the enduring relevance of his career-long project of interrogating liberalism. It is an effort that could not be more urgent in the present moment, and one that deserves the same careful consideration that Brinkley himself once afforded to Hofstadter. While many scholars have taken up the history of the New Deal before and since, <em>The End of Reform</em> remains an invaluable examination of one of the great pivot points in American history: the narrowing of the expansive reform project of the populists, progressives, and early New Dealers into the ideology and practice we now know as postwar liberalism. Even more so than Brinkley, the benefit of hindsight allows us to appreciate this liberalism not as some endpoint...</p> </p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":43597,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY\",\"volume\":\"85 1\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.2000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-01-10\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917244\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"历史学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917244","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 未曾走过的改革:重新审视艾伦-布林克利的《改革的终结》 亚伦-弗里德曼(简历) 艾伦-布林克利,《改革的终结》:经济衰退和战争中的新政自由主义》。纽约:x + 384 pp.参考书目和索引。$17.95.1985 年,艾伦-布林克利(Alan Brinkley),当时还是一位相对年轻的学者,他的第一本书两年前才出版:理查德-霍夫斯塔德的《改革时代》。布林克利写道,霍夫斯塔德的这本论文在最初出版的30年后,作为 "遗物 "笼罩着美国政治史领域。霍夫斯塔德将 19 世纪晚期的农业民粹主义者描绘成左翼反动派,而在里根革命推翻了战后的自由主义秩序之后,他的 "共识学派 "美国史研究方法似乎已经严重过时,近来的学术研究对霍夫斯塔德进行了抨击。布林克利指出,《改革时代》"体现了某种学术上的悖论......这本书的核心解释很少有历史学家再接受,但它的影响却很少有历史学家能摆脱。"1 然而,尽管做出了这一艰难的判断--如今这已成为几代美国历史学生的传统智慧,但布林克利发现,《改革时代》中仍有一些相当有用的东西,这一观点事实上随着时间的推移而有所改进:它对新政的理解不是将其视为长达数十年的改革弧线的完成,而是将其视为改革弧线的中断。正如布林克利指出的那样,霍夫斯塔德触及了一个在20世纪50年代仍然令人不安的事实:改革的旧动力--反垄断和国家计划--在罗斯福晚年已经完全让位于其他东西。前几代改革者希望从根本上重构资本主义体系本身,而二战后兴起的自由主义则希望实现一种更为温和的转变:一种大企业认可的凯恩斯需求管理形式,同时兼顾社会福利和个人权利保护。尽管布林克利对霍夫斯塔德关于 "自由主义的语言和自由主义的实质方向"[第289页完]如何以及为何发生变化的论述感到不满,但他认为这个问题是理解20世纪美国的核心所在。很难避免将这两位学者相提并论。虽然布林克利从未达到霍夫斯塔德鼎盛时期的地位,但他却成为了美国政治史上的重要人物,其影响力在学术界和公共领域都有体现。1994 年,他在《美国历史评论》(American Historical Review)上发表的文章《美国保守主义的问题》(The Problem of American Conservatism)开启了一代美国右翼学者的学术研究,而他的畅销教科书也成为高中生和大学生了解美国历史最常见的途径。和霍夫斯塔德一样,布林克利也不幸英年早逝,这使他失去了发表学术论文、参与新历史潮流的机会。有鉴于此,现在回顾布林克利的作品,很容易看到霍夫斯塔德的遗作:关注传统的白人、男性、精英政治史研究对象,在很大程度上忽视了基层政治参与者的作用,以及种族、性别和性取向对政治和国家的影响。但是,如果在这里结束对布林克利的评价,就会忽略他职业生涯中对自由主义进行拷问的项目所具有的持久意义。在当下,这项工作再迫切不过了,布林克利本人曾给予霍夫斯塔德同样的审慎考虑。尽管在此之前和之后,许多学者都曾研究过新政的历史,但《改革的终结》仍然是对美国历史上一个重要支点的宝贵研究:民粹主义者、进步主义者和早期新政者的扩张性改革计划缩小为我们现在所知的战后自由主义的意识形态和实践。与布林克利相比,事后诸葛亮更能让我们体会到,这种自由主义并不是某个终点......
The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley's The End of Reform
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:
The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley’s The End of Reform
Aaron Freedman (bio)
Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War. New York: Vintage, 1996. x + 384 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $17.95.
In 1985, Alan Brinkley, then still a relatively young scholar whose first book had only been published two years earlier, took to the pages of this journal to assess a giant: Richard Hofstadter’s The Age of Reform. Thirty years after its original publication, Brinkley wrote, Hofstadter’s treatise loomed over the field of American political history as “something of a relic.” More recent scholarship had pilloried Hofstadter’s often condescending portrayal of the late-nineteenth-century agrarian populists as left-behind reactionaries, and his “consensus school” approach to American history seemed woefully out of date in the wake of the Reagan Revolution’s toppling of the postwar liberal order. The Age of Reform, Brinkley pronounced, had come to “embody something of a scholarly paradox…It is a book whose central interpretations few historians any longer accept, but one whose influence few historians can escape.”1
Yet despite this tough judgement, now akin to conventional wisdom for generations of students of American history, Brinkley found that something quite useful remained in The Age of Reform, an observation that had in fact improved with age: its understanding of the New Deal not as the completion of a decades-long arc of reform, but as a break from it. As Brinkley noted, Hofstadter had touched on what was still an uncomfortable truth in the 1950s: that the old driving forces of reform—antimonopoly and state planning—had, by the end of Roosevelt’s life, given way to something else entirely. Whereas earlier generations of reformers looked to fundamentally restructure the capitalist system itself, the liberalism ascendent after World War II aspired to a more modest shift: a big business-approved form of Keynesian demand management with a side of social welfare and individual rights protection. Though Brinkley was left dissatisfied with Hofstadter’s treatment of how and why “the language of liberalism, and the substantive direction of liberalism” [End Page 289] had changed, he recognized that question as core to understanding America in the twentieth century.2
It is now nearly thirty years since the publication of The End of Reform, the book in which Brinkley first worked through his own answer to Hofstadter’s question. It is difficult to avoid a comparison of the two scholars. While never reaching quite the stature of Hofstadter at his prime, Brinkley nonetheless became a towering figure in American political history, his influence felt both in the academy and the public sphere. While his 1994 article “The Problem of American Conservatism” in the American Historical Review kickstarted a generation of scholarship on the American right, his best-selling textbooks became some of the most common gateways into American history for high school and college students. And like Hofstadter, Brinkley passed away at a tragically young age, denying him the opportunity to publish scholarship that engaged with new historical trends. Given that, looking back at Brinkley’s work now, it is all too easy to see a relic like Hofstadter’s: a focus on the traditional white, male, elite subjects of political history that largely ignores the role of grassroots political actors and the ways in which race, gender, and sexuality inform politics and the state.
But to end an appraisal of Brinkley here is to miss the enduring relevance of his career-long project of interrogating liberalism. It is an effort that could not be more urgent in the present moment, and one that deserves the same careful consideration that Brinkley himself once afforded to Hofstadter. While many scholars have taken up the history of the New Deal before and since, The End of Reform remains an invaluable examination of one of the great pivot points in American history: the narrowing of the expansive reform project of the populists, progressives, and early New Dealers into the ideology and practice we now know as postwar liberalism. Even more so than Brinkley, the benefit of hindsight allows us to appreciate this liberalism not as some endpoint...
期刊介绍:
Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.