{"title":"手语中的浅层结果词","authors":"Yuko Asada","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.01","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses two puzzles that arise from resultative sentences that have theword order S(ubject)–O(bject)–V(erb)–R(esult) (SOVR) in sign languages: (i) the SOVRorder does not seem to be attested in spoken languages; (ii) the recursive occurrencesof resultative predicates in this construction in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) violateTenny’s (1994) Single Delimiting Constraint, the well-known generalization of resultativeconstructions. Under the functional approach to resultatives (Embick 2004; Folliand Harley 2020), I propose a bi-clausal coordination analysis of SOVR sentences in JSL,which provides accounts of these two questions. The proposal has theoretical implicationsfor the structural depth permitted in center-embedded complementation in thevisual modality (cf. Geraci et al. 2008).","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Shallow resultatives in sign language\",\"authors\":\"Yuko Asada\",\"doi\":\"10.31009/feast.i5.01\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"This paper addresses two puzzles that arise from resultative sentences that have theword order S(ubject)–O(bject)–V(erb)–R(esult) (SOVR) in sign languages: (i) the SOVRorder does not seem to be attested in spoken languages; (ii) the recursive occurrencesof resultative predicates in this construction in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) violateTenny’s (1994) Single Delimiting Constraint, the well-known generalization of resultativeconstructions. Under the functional approach to resultatives (Embick 2004; Folliand Harley 2020), I propose a bi-clausal coordination analysis of SOVR sentences in JSL,which provides accounts of these two questions. The proposal has theoretical implicationsfor the structural depth permitted in center-embedded complementation in thevisual modality (cf. Geraci et al. 2008).\",\"PeriodicalId\":164096,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory\",\"volume\":\"6 1\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-12-14\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.01\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.01","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses two puzzles that arise from resultative sentences that have theword order S(ubject)–O(bject)–V(erb)–R(esult) (SOVR) in sign languages: (i) the SOVRorder does not seem to be attested in spoken languages; (ii) the recursive occurrencesof resultative predicates in this construction in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) violateTenny’s (1994) Single Delimiting Constraint, the well-known generalization of resultativeconstructions. Under the functional approach to resultatives (Embick 2004; Folliand Harley 2020), I propose a bi-clausal coordination analysis of SOVR sentences in JSL,which provides accounts of these two questions. The proposal has theoretical implicationsfor the structural depth permitted in center-embedded complementation in thevisual modality (cf. Geraci et al. 2008).