“我现在该走还是该留?”如果我去,就会有麻烦,如果我留下,就会有双倍的麻烦”:对英格兰和威尔士规范家庭住宅的保护令的现在和未来的考察

Ana Speed, Kayliegh Richardson
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引用次数: 0

摘要

占领令是一种专门的法律补救措施,在关系破裂后,可以通过它支持家庭虐待受害者留在家中。然而,判例法表明,由于门槛标准高,以及由于对保护犯罪者权利的关切导致司法部门不愿向受害者提供广泛的保护,受害者在获得命令方面遇到障碍。《2021年家庭虐待法》很快将对家庭虐待受害者提供保护的选择进行改革,该法案创建了一项新的家庭虐待保护令(DAPO)。预计dapo将更容易获得,因为它们将具有较低的门槛标准,它们将可用于家庭,民事和刑事诉讼,受害者和第三方都可以提出申请,从而减轻无法采取任何行动的受害者的负担。虽然目前还没有打算废除占领令,但内政部已经承认,在家庭暴力案件中,“dapo”将成为“保护令”,这表明在大多数情况下,占领令将被dapo所取代。本文通过对法院统计数据的分析、对法律从业人员和家暴专家的问卷调查以及对家暴受害者的深入访谈,对现行法律在家暴受害者方面的失败提供了独到的实证见解。分析揭示了获得职业订单的三个主要障碍。首先,尽管《2012年法律援助、罪犯量刑和处罚法》努力保留对家庭虐待受害者的法律援助,但受害者难以满足经济状况调查,导致不采取行动寻求保护的受害者人数增加,以及在职业令诉讼中亲自担任诉讼当事人的人数增加。第二,受害者获得保护的前景可能因其无代表地位而受到不利影响。第三,尽管判例法表明给予占领令的限制较少,但许多受害者仍然难以满足严格的门槛标准。有些法官似乎愿意绕过这一点,给予替代补救办法,这可能会在家庭住宅方面为受害者提供较弱形式的保护。数据表明,在发出命令的情况下,是有限制条件和有限期限的,这降低了命令在防止分离后虐待和支持受害者管理其短期和长期住房状况方面的效力。然后将这些实证研究结果置于《2021年家庭虐待法》的讨论中。作者分析了即将到来的dapo是否可能提供比占领令更容易获得和有效的保护形式。分析表明,通过增加申请人的范围、现有保护的广度和灵活性以及对违规行为的制裁,dapo有可能弥补许多现有的障碍,以确保对家庭房屋的保护。然而,正如新立法的一贯情况一样,关键在于其执行,以确保现有的问题不会简单地转移到新的制度上。这一发现是新颖的,因为关于保护性禁令的学术评论通常集中在非骚扰令、家庭暴力保护令和限制令提供的“个人保护”上,这意味着职业令和对家庭受害者的保护都是家庭虐待研究不足的领域。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
‘Should I Stay or Should I Go Now? If I Go There will be Trouble and if I Stay it will be Double': An Examination into the Present and Future of Protective Orders Regulating the Family Home in England and Wales

Occupation orders are the dedicated legal remedy through which victims of domestic abuse can be supported to remain in the family home following a relationship breakdown. Case law indicates, however, that victims experience barriers to securing orders due to the high threshold criteria and because concerns about protecting the rights of perpetrators has led to judicial reluctance to grant extensive protection to victims. The options for providing protection to victims of abuse in respect of the family home are shortly set to be reformed by the Domestic Abuse Act 2021, which creates a new Domestic Abuse Protection Order (DAPO). It is anticipated that DAPOs will be easier to secure because they will have a lower threshold criteria, they will be available in family, civil and criminal proceedings, and both victims and third parties will be able to make an application thereby alleviating the burden on victims who feel unable to take any action. Whilst there is no intention at this point to repeal occupation orders, the Home Office has acknowledged that ‘DAPOs will become the ‘go to’ protective order in cases of domestic abuse’ suggesting that occupation orders will be replaced by DAPOs in most cases.

By drawing on data obtained from an analysis of court statistics, a questionnaire of legal practitioners and domestic abuse specialists, and in-depth interviews with victims of domestic abuse, this paper offers original empirical insights into where the current law fails victims of domestic abuse. The analysis reveals three key barriers to securing occupation orders. Firstly, despite the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 making efforts to preserve legal aid for victims of domestic abuse, the means test is difficult for victims to satisfy, resulting in increases both to the number of victims taking no action to pursue protection and who act as litigants in person in occupation order proceedings. Secondly, the prospects of a victim securing protection can be adversely affected by their unrepresented status. Thirdly, despite case law indicating a less restrictive approach to granting occupation orders, many victims continue to struggle to satisfy the strict threshold criteria. Some judges are seemingly willing to bypass this by granting alternative remedies which may offer victims a weaker form of protection in respect of the family home. Where orders are granted, the data suggest this is on restricted terms and for limited durations which reduce their effectiveness at preventing post-separation abuse and supporting victims to regulate their short and longer-term housing situation. These empirical findings are then situated within a discussion of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. The authors analyse whether forthcoming DAPOs are likely to offer a more accessible and effective form of protection than occupation orders. The analysis suggests that by increasing the scope of applicants, the breadth and flexibility of available protection and the sanctions for breach, DAPOs have the potential to remedy many of the existing barriers to securing protection over the family home. As is always the case with new legislation however, the key will be in its implementation, to ensure that existing issues are not simply transferred across to the new regime. The findings are novel because academic commentaries on protective injunctions typically focus on ‘personal protection’ offered by non-molestation orders, domestic violence protection orders, and restraining orders, meaning that both occupation orders and protection for victims in respect of the family home are under-researched areas of domestic abuse.

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