左翼广告人及其创作手法:20世纪60年代至80年代土耳其广告界的形成

IF 16.4 1区 化学 Q1 CHEMISTRY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
İpek Tan-Çelebi, Z. Umut Türem
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Thus, analysing the formation of the field, we can go beyond conceptualizing adpersons as mere cultural intermediaries and understand advertising as a social space in which multiple capitals operate. This allows us to reflect on the un(der)theorized work of left(ists) in the making of consumer capitalism during the post war period in Turkey.KEYWORDS: Advertisingcultural intermediariesBourdieufield analysisleftists and capitalism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Advertising certainly existed in Turkey before the 1960s, but it did not comprise a “social field,” “a relatively autonomous social microcosm that has a specific logic that cannot be reduced to the logics that define other such fields” (Bourdieu and Wacquant Citation1992, 97).2 The data used in this study has been in major part collected by one of the co-authors of this study, İpek Tan Çelebi, for her PhD dissertation. Besides the secondary sources, 18 face to face, semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with the veterans of the field.3 Other major players in the field were Cenajans, Merkez Ajans, Markom, Yaratım, Grafika, Moran, and Pars McCann. Note that the figures in the table are from 1989. By then, major global agencies entered into the Turkish advertising market through partnerships with local firms and this led Ajans ADA, which did not have a global partner by then, and Manajans / Thompson lost some of their market share to newly growing firms. Still, these two firms were comfortably in the top five.4 Most of the studies in this new line of thinking are ethnographic studies based on contemporary advertising in national or global contexts. See, e.g. Cronin (Citation2004; Citation2010); Mazzarella (Citation2003); McLeod, O’Donohoe, and Townley (Citation2009; Citation2011); de Waal Malefyt and Moeran (Citation2003); Miller (Citation2003). Studies focusing on different historical trajectories are also available, though less in quantity. For a selection of such publications, see Nixon (Citation2003); McFall (Citation2002); De Grazia (Citation2005); Swett, Wiesen, and Zatlin (Citation2007); Crawford and Dickenson (Citation2016).5 The tension between art and commerce, or creativity and profit making has been discussed in the literature, but the focus of these works is essentially on how such tension surfaces in the daily practices of advertising production. Hackley (Citation2000), for instance suggests that such a tension, “has become a major resource for the negotiation of professional identity in advertising agencies” (65) and “the commercial imperative is often seen by creatives as an impediment to professional excellence” (68). Mazzarella (Citation2003, 103) mentions this tension as a perpetual dilemma of the advertising industry that it “comes across as a cultural production that straddles the realms of ‘art’ and ‘commerce’.” See also Hackley and Kover (Citation2007).6 MacRury (Citation2009); McDonald and Scott (Citation2007).7 See Keyder (Citation1987), also Pamuk (Citation2008, 242–243).8 The advertising revenue of the 1970s was around $24 million and increased to over $100 million with the rise of TV commercials in the 1980s.9 This was a common practice in the UK and the US beginning from the early twentieth century. The major agencies made systematic efforts to maintain links with artistic and literary communities to support the creative content of their work. See McFall (Citation2004, 133–136) and Tungate (Citation2007, 10).10 See especially narrations by advertising veterans, quoted in Baransel (Citation2003, 114–120); and Özkan (Citation2005, 126).11 See for an explanation of the concept, Bourdieu (Citation1993, 77).12 These agents include many notable names of the literary field. See Baransel (Citation2003, 114–119; 159–161).13 The prevalence of literary folks is not an unfamiliar story in the world of advertising. There are many examples of artists and writers employed in advertising on a full time or freelance basis in the European and American contexts. See Pope (Citation1983, 180–181), McFall (Citation2004, 133–136), De Grazia (Citation2005, 248) and Tungate (Citation2007, 13; 32–33). Similar to the Turkish case, Dickenson (Citation2015) suggests that in Australia, the absence of a culture industry and government support for the arts led Leftist artists to work in advertising. Yet, unlike in Turkey, leftist adpersons in Australia do not stand out as field-constituting agents (Crawford and Dickenson Citation2016).14 Quoted in Sezer (Citation2005, 101).15 Island means Ada in Turkish, demonstrating the company’s image for its employees.16 A highly acclaimed poet, Haydar Ergülen started advertising as a copywriter at Ajans ADA in the 1980s and worked as a creative director at various agencies until the 2000s.17 Ersin Salman, Nazar Büyüm, Hasan Parkan and Zafer Ataylan.18 See e.g. Fox (Citation1997, 218–272); Frank (Citation1998, 42–47); Tungate (Citation2007, 49–65).19 Acıman was in favor of sticking to the established formula that worked seamlessly for profit. As Nazar Büyüm (the co-founder of Ajans Ada and former copywriter of Manajans) narrated, Acıman said, “son, the proven formula should not be abandoned” (“Logoyu Büyütenler” documentary, 8.30–9.00 min, Citation2014).20 The phrase is still in use as of 2023. See https://www.merbolin.com.tr.21 For the TVC, see: bit.ly/3ADqBv8.22 Ergülen (Citation2011); Davutoğlu (Citation2002).23 Acıman asked Ersin Salman to be in the administrative board of the association in the preliminary meetings for the establishment of the association (Sezer Citation2005, 295).Additional informationNotes on contributorsİpek Tan-Çelebiİpek Tan-Çelebi is a Lecturer in Advertising at İstanbul Bilgi University, Turkey. Her current research interests include advertising history, cultural production, and creative labour.Z. Umut TüremZ. Umut Türem is an Associate Professor at the Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, Istanbul/Turkey. 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Note that the figures in the table are from 1989. By then, major global agencies entered into the Turkish advertising market through partnerships with local firms and this led Ajans ADA, which did not have a global partner by then, and Manajans / Thompson lost some of their market share to newly growing firms. Still, these two firms were comfortably in the top five.4 Most of the studies in this new line of thinking are ethnographic studies based on contemporary advertising in national or global contexts. See, e.g. Cronin (Citation2004; Citation2010); Mazzarella (Citation2003); McLeod, O’Donohoe, and Townley (Citation2009; Citation2011); de Waal Malefyt and Moeran (Citation2003); Miller (Citation2003). Studies focusing on different historical trajectories are also available, though less in quantity. For a selection of such publications, see Nixon (Citation2003); McFall (Citation2002); De Grazia (Citation2005); Swett, Wiesen, and Zatlin (Citation2007); Crawford and Dickenson (Citation2016).5 The tension between art and commerce, or creativity and profit making has been discussed in the literature, but the focus of these works is essentially on how such tension surfaces in the daily practices of advertising production. Hackley (Citation2000), for instance suggests that such a tension, “has become a major resource for the negotiation of professional identity in advertising agencies” (65) and “the commercial imperative is often seen by creatives as an impediment to professional excellence” (68). Mazzarella (Citation2003, 103) mentions this tension as a perpetual dilemma of the advertising industry that it “comes across as a cultural production that straddles the realms of ‘art’ and ‘commerce’.” See also Hackley and Kover (Citation2007).6 MacRury (Citation2009); McDonald and Scott (Citation2007).7 See Keyder (Citation1987), also Pamuk (Citation2008, 242–243).8 The advertising revenue of the 1970s was around $24 million and increased to over $100 million with the rise of TV commercials in the 1980s.9 This was a common practice in the UK and the US beginning from the early twentieth century. The major agencies made systematic efforts to maintain links with artistic and literary communities to support the creative content of their work. See McFall (Citation2004, 133–136) and Tungate (Citation2007, 10).10 See especially narrations by advertising veterans, quoted in Baransel (Citation2003, 114–120); and Özkan (Citation2005, 126).11 See for an explanation of the concept, Bourdieu (Citation1993, 77).12 These agents include many notable names of the literary field. See Baransel (Citation2003, 114–119; 159–161).13 The prevalence of literary folks is not an unfamiliar story in the world of advertising. There are many examples of artists and writers employed in advertising on a full time or freelance basis in the European and American contexts. See Pope (Citation1983, 180–181), McFall (Citation2004, 133–136), De Grazia (Citation2005, 248) and Tungate (Citation2007, 13; 32–33). Similar to the Turkish case, Dickenson (Citation2015) suggests that in Australia, the absence of a culture industry and government support for the arts led Leftist artists to work in advertising. Yet, unlike in Turkey, leftist adpersons in Australia do not stand out as field-constituting agents (Crawford and Dickenson Citation2016).14 Quoted in Sezer (Citation2005, 101).15 Island means Ada in Turkish, demonstrating the company’s image for its employees.16 A highly acclaimed poet, Haydar Ergülen started advertising as a copywriter at Ajans ADA in the 1980s and worked as a creative director at various agencies until the 2000s.17 Ersin Salman, Nazar Büyüm, Hasan Parkan and Zafer Ataylan.18 See e.g. Fox (Citation1997, 218–272); Frank (Citation1998, 42–47); Tungate (Citation2007, 49–65).19 Acıman was in favor of sticking to the established formula that worked seamlessly for profit. As Nazar Büyüm (the co-founder of Ajans Ada and former copywriter of Manajans) narrated, Acıman said, “son, the proven formula should not be abandoned” (“Logoyu Büyütenler” documentary, 8.30–9.00 min, Citation2014).20 The phrase is still in use as of 2023. See https://www.merbolin.com.tr.21 For the TVC, see: bit.ly/3ADqBv8.22 Ergülen (Citation2011); Davutoğlu (Citation2002).23 Acıman asked Ersin Salman to be in the administrative board of the association in the preliminary meetings for the establishment of the association (Sezer Citation2005, 295).Additional informationNotes on contributorsİpek Tan-Çelebiİpek Tan-Çelebi is a Lecturer in Advertising at İstanbul Bilgi University, Turkey. Her current research interests include advertising history, cultural production, and creative labour.Z. Umut TüremZ. Umut Türem is an Associate Professor at the Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, Istanbul/Turkey. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

社会主义广告人(adperson)听起来很矛盾。然而,从20世纪60年代到80年代末,土耳其广告被左倾的知识分子和与当时占主导地位的社会主义政党有关的文学人物形成了一个“领域”。虽然企业家和以利润为导向的代理人是重要的发起者,但该领域本质上是由左派/社会主义人士与老牌/企业家代理人共同塑造的,并与这些以利润为导向的行动者竞争。这种竞争,有时与合作结合在一起,导致了布尔迪乌主义意义上的领域的创造。因此,通过分析该领域的形成,我们可以超越将广告商仅仅视为文化中介的概念,并将广告理解为多种资本运作的社会空间。这使我们能够反思左翼分子在战后土耳其消费资本主义形成过程中的非理论化工作。关键词:广告、文化中介、布迪菲尔德分析、左派与资本主义披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。注1广告在20世纪60年代之前确实存在于土耳其,但它并不构成一个“社会领域”,“一个相对自主的社会微观世界,具有特定的逻辑,不能简化为定义其他此类领域的逻辑”(Bourdieu and Wacquant citation1992,97)本研究中使用的数据主要由本研究的共同作者之一İpek Tan Çelebi收集,用于她的博士论文。除了二手资料外,还与该领域的资深人士进行了18次面对面、半结构化、深入的访谈该领域的其他主要参与者包括Cenajans、Merkez Ajans、Markom、Yaratım、Grafika、Moran和Pars McCann。请注意,表中的数字来自1989年。到那时,主要的全球广告公司通过与当地公司的合作进入土耳其广告市场,这导致了当时还没有全球合作伙伴的Ajans ADA, Manajans / Thompson失去了一些市场份额给新兴公司。尽管如此,这两家公司仍稳居前五这一新思路下的大多数研究都是基于国家或全球背景下的当代广告的民族志研究。参见,例如克罗宁(Citation2004;Citation2010);Mazzarella (Citation2003);麦克劳德,奥多诺霍,汤利(citation; 2009;Citation2011);de Waal Malefyt and Moeran (citation);米勒(Citation2003)。关注不同历史轨迹的研究也有,尽管数量较少。有关此类出版物的选择,请参见Nixon (Citation2003);三个(Citation2002);De Grazia (Citation2005);Swett, Wiesen和Zatlin (Citation2007);4 .克劳福德和迪肯森(Citation2016)艺术与商业之间的紧张关系,或创意与盈利之间的紧张关系已经在文献中讨论过,但这些作品的重点本质上是这种紧张关系如何在广告制作的日常实践中显现出来。例如,Hackley (Citation2000)指出,这种紧张关系“已经成为广告公司职业身份谈判的主要资源”(65),“商业必要性经常被创意人员视为职业卓越的障碍”(68)。Mazzarella (Citation2003, 103)提到这种紧张是广告业的一个永恒的困境,它“作为一种跨越‘艺术’和‘商业’领域的文化产品而出现。”参见Hackley和Kover (Citation2007)MacRury (Citation2009);麦克唐纳和斯科特(Citation2007)参见Keyder (Citation1987)和Pamuk (Citation2008, 242-243)20世纪70年代的广告收入约为2400万美元,随着80年代电视广告的兴起,广告收入增加到1亿多美元从20世纪初开始,这在英国和美国是一种常见的做法。各主要机构作出系统努力,保持与艺术和文学界的联系,以支持其工作的创造性内容。参见McFall (citation2004,133 - 136)和Tungate (citation2007,10).10参见Baransel引用的广告老手的叙述(Citation2003, 114-120);和Özkan (citation2005,126).11参见Bourdieu (citation1993,77)对这一概念的解释这些代理人包括许多文学界的知名人士。参见Baransel (citation2003,114 - 119;159 - 161年)13文学爱好者的流行在广告界并不陌生。在欧洲和美国,有很多艺术家和作家全职或自由从事广告工作的例子。参见Pope (Citation1983, 180-181), McFall (Citation2004, 133-136), De Grazia (Citation2005, 248)和Tungate (Citation2007, 13;32-33)。 与土耳其的案例类似,Dickenson (Citation2015)认为,在澳大利亚,文化产业的缺乏和政府对艺术的支持导致左翼艺术家从事广告工作。然而,与土耳其不同的是,澳大利亚的左派人士并没有作为领域构成代理人脱颖而出(Crawford and Dickenson citation, 2016)引自Sezer (Citation2005, 101).15Island在土耳其语中意为Ada,向员工展示了公司的形象Haydar ergerlen是一位备受赞誉的诗人,他在20世纪80年代开始在Ajans ADA担任广告文案,并在2000年代之前在多家广告公司担任创意总监Ersin Salman, Nazar b<s:1> y<e:1> m, Hasan Parkan和Zafer Ataylan.18参见e.g. Fox (citation1997,218 - 272);Frank (citation1998,42 - 47);[j] .广东农业科学(英文版),2007,49-65Acıman则倾向于坚持既定的盈利模式。正如Nazar b<s:1> y<e:1> m (Ajans Ada的联合创始人,Manajans的前文案)所叙述的那样,Acıman说,“儿子,已经证明的公式不应该被抛弃”(“Logoyu b<e:1> y<e:1> tenler”纪录片,8:30 - 9.00分钟,Citation2014)直到2023年,这个短语仍在使用。TVC参见https://www.merbolin.com.tr.21: bit.ly/3ADqBv8.22 erg<e:1> len (Citation2011);Davutoğlu (Citation2002) 23)Acıman要求Ersin Salman在协会成立的初步会议中加入协会的行政委员会(Sezer citation2005,295)。关于contributorsİpek Tan的说明-Çelebiİpek Tan-Çelebi是土耳其İstanbul Bilgi大学的广告学讲师。她目前的研究兴趣包括广告史、文化生产和创造性劳动。Umut TuremZ。Umut t<s:1>雷姆是土耳其伊斯坦布尔atatatrk现代土耳其历史研究所的副教授。他的研究重点是法律和社会问题;新自由主义下的政治经济与社会发展,以第二次世界大战土耳其为背景。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Leftist ad-persons and their creative craft: the formation of the advertising field in Turkey from the 1960s to 1980s
ABSTRACTA socialist advertiser/ adperson sounds very much like a contradiction. However, Turkish advertising was formed as a “field” from the 1960s to late 1980s by left leaning intellectuals and literary figures associated with the dominant socialist political party of the time. While entrepreneurial and profit-oriented agents were significant initiators, the field was essentially shaped by leftist/ socialist adpersons along with established/ entrepreneurial agents and entered into competition with such profit-oriented actors. Such competition, combined at times with cooperation, led to the creation of a field in the Bourdieusian sense. Thus, analysing the formation of the field, we can go beyond conceptualizing adpersons as mere cultural intermediaries and understand advertising as a social space in which multiple capitals operate. This allows us to reflect on the un(der)theorized work of left(ists) in the making of consumer capitalism during the post war period in Turkey.KEYWORDS: Advertisingcultural intermediariesBourdieufield analysisleftists and capitalism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Advertising certainly existed in Turkey before the 1960s, but it did not comprise a “social field,” “a relatively autonomous social microcosm that has a specific logic that cannot be reduced to the logics that define other such fields” (Bourdieu and Wacquant Citation1992, 97).2 The data used in this study has been in major part collected by one of the co-authors of this study, İpek Tan Çelebi, for her PhD dissertation. Besides the secondary sources, 18 face to face, semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with the veterans of the field.3 Other major players in the field were Cenajans, Merkez Ajans, Markom, Yaratım, Grafika, Moran, and Pars McCann. Note that the figures in the table are from 1989. By then, major global agencies entered into the Turkish advertising market through partnerships with local firms and this led Ajans ADA, which did not have a global partner by then, and Manajans / Thompson lost some of their market share to newly growing firms. Still, these two firms were comfortably in the top five.4 Most of the studies in this new line of thinking are ethnographic studies based on contemporary advertising in national or global contexts. See, e.g. Cronin (Citation2004; Citation2010); Mazzarella (Citation2003); McLeod, O’Donohoe, and Townley (Citation2009; Citation2011); de Waal Malefyt and Moeran (Citation2003); Miller (Citation2003). Studies focusing on different historical trajectories are also available, though less in quantity. For a selection of such publications, see Nixon (Citation2003); McFall (Citation2002); De Grazia (Citation2005); Swett, Wiesen, and Zatlin (Citation2007); Crawford and Dickenson (Citation2016).5 The tension between art and commerce, or creativity and profit making has been discussed in the literature, but the focus of these works is essentially on how such tension surfaces in the daily practices of advertising production. Hackley (Citation2000), for instance suggests that such a tension, “has become a major resource for the negotiation of professional identity in advertising agencies” (65) and “the commercial imperative is often seen by creatives as an impediment to professional excellence” (68). Mazzarella (Citation2003, 103) mentions this tension as a perpetual dilemma of the advertising industry that it “comes across as a cultural production that straddles the realms of ‘art’ and ‘commerce’.” See also Hackley and Kover (Citation2007).6 MacRury (Citation2009); McDonald and Scott (Citation2007).7 See Keyder (Citation1987), also Pamuk (Citation2008, 242–243).8 The advertising revenue of the 1970s was around $24 million and increased to over $100 million with the rise of TV commercials in the 1980s.9 This was a common practice in the UK and the US beginning from the early twentieth century. The major agencies made systematic efforts to maintain links with artistic and literary communities to support the creative content of their work. See McFall (Citation2004, 133–136) and Tungate (Citation2007, 10).10 See especially narrations by advertising veterans, quoted in Baransel (Citation2003, 114–120); and Özkan (Citation2005, 126).11 See for an explanation of the concept, Bourdieu (Citation1993, 77).12 These agents include many notable names of the literary field. See Baransel (Citation2003, 114–119; 159–161).13 The prevalence of literary folks is not an unfamiliar story in the world of advertising. There are many examples of artists and writers employed in advertising on a full time or freelance basis in the European and American contexts. See Pope (Citation1983, 180–181), McFall (Citation2004, 133–136), De Grazia (Citation2005, 248) and Tungate (Citation2007, 13; 32–33). Similar to the Turkish case, Dickenson (Citation2015) suggests that in Australia, the absence of a culture industry and government support for the arts led Leftist artists to work in advertising. Yet, unlike in Turkey, leftist adpersons in Australia do not stand out as field-constituting agents (Crawford and Dickenson Citation2016).14 Quoted in Sezer (Citation2005, 101).15 Island means Ada in Turkish, demonstrating the company’s image for its employees.16 A highly acclaimed poet, Haydar Ergülen started advertising as a copywriter at Ajans ADA in the 1980s and worked as a creative director at various agencies until the 2000s.17 Ersin Salman, Nazar Büyüm, Hasan Parkan and Zafer Ataylan.18 See e.g. Fox (Citation1997, 218–272); Frank (Citation1998, 42–47); Tungate (Citation2007, 49–65).19 Acıman was in favor of sticking to the established formula that worked seamlessly for profit. As Nazar Büyüm (the co-founder of Ajans Ada and former copywriter of Manajans) narrated, Acıman said, “son, the proven formula should not be abandoned” (“Logoyu Büyütenler” documentary, 8.30–9.00 min, Citation2014).20 The phrase is still in use as of 2023. See https://www.merbolin.com.tr.21 For the TVC, see: bit.ly/3ADqBv8.22 Ergülen (Citation2011); Davutoğlu (Citation2002).23 Acıman asked Ersin Salman to be in the administrative board of the association in the preliminary meetings for the establishment of the association (Sezer Citation2005, 295).Additional informationNotes on contributorsİpek Tan-Çelebiİpek Tan-Çelebi is a Lecturer in Advertising at İstanbul Bilgi University, Turkey. Her current research interests include advertising history, cultural production, and creative labour.Z. Umut TüremZ. Umut Türem is an Associate Professor at the Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, Istanbul/Turkey. His research focuses on questions of law and society; political economy and social developments under neoliberalism by taking 2nd WW Turkey as its background.
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来源期刊
Accounts of Chemical Research
Accounts of Chemical Research 化学-化学综合
CiteScore
31.40
自引率
1.10%
发文量
312
审稿时长
2 months
期刊介绍: Accounts of Chemical Research presents short, concise and critical articles offering easy-to-read overviews of basic research and applications in all areas of chemistry and biochemistry. These short reviews focus on research from the author’s own laboratory and are designed to teach the reader about a research project. In addition, Accounts of Chemical Research publishes commentaries that give an informed opinion on a current research problem. Special Issues online are devoted to a single topic of unusual activity and significance. Accounts of Chemical Research replaces the traditional article abstract with an article "Conspectus." These entries synopsize the research affording the reader a closer look at the content and significance of an article. Through this provision of a more detailed description of the article contents, the Conspectus enhances the article's discoverability by search engines and the exposure for the research.
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