{"title":"既不是以色列化,也不是犹太化","authors":"Yusri Hazran","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10130","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For decades, the Druze community on the Golan Heights has waged a political struggle against Israeli sovereignty over the Golan, demonstrating its loyalty to Syria by refusing to accept Israeli citizenship, ostracizing (religiously and socially) anyone who does so, vetoing service in the idf , not teaching Hebrew in schools, celebrating Syrian national holidays, attending Syrian universities, etc. In the wake of the outbreak of the popular uprising in Syria in 2011, however, it has begun showing clear signs of cracks, most prominently amongst the younger generation. Due first and foremost to utilitarian factors. Characterised by a utilitarian wish to integrate into Israeli economy and society, this trend finds various expressions. Firstly, the number of Druze seeking Israeli citizenship has risen, albeit not dramatically, a clear correlation existing between this fact and the decline of the Ba’ath regime. Secondly, and at the same time, more young adults have begun applying to Israeli universities, the decade between 2011 and 2021 witnessing a significant rise in the number of Golan Druze students studying therein. Thirdly, in continuation of the same trend, the members of the Golan Druze community also began adopting an economic-focused orientation—which Israel met by launching an ambitious plan in 2014 for developing the 1052 Druze settlements in the Golan.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Neither Israelisation nor Zionisation\",\"authors\":\"Yusri Hazran\",\"doi\":\"10.1163/15718115-bja10130\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract For decades, the Druze community on the Golan Heights has waged a political struggle against Israeli sovereignty over the Golan, demonstrating its loyalty to Syria by refusing to accept Israeli citizenship, ostracizing (religiously and socially) anyone who does so, vetoing service in the idf , not teaching Hebrew in schools, celebrating Syrian national holidays, attending Syrian universities, etc. In the wake of the outbreak of the popular uprising in Syria in 2011, however, it has begun showing clear signs of cracks, most prominently amongst the younger generation. Due first and foremost to utilitarian factors. Characterised by a utilitarian wish to integrate into Israeli economy and society, this trend finds various expressions. Firstly, the number of Druze seeking Israeli citizenship has risen, albeit not dramatically, a clear correlation existing between this fact and the decline of the Ba’ath regime. Secondly, and at the same time, more young adults have begun applying to Israeli universities, the decade between 2011 and 2021 witnessing a significant rise in the number of Golan Druze students studying therein. Thirdly, in continuation of the same trend, the members of the Golan Druze community also began adopting an economic-focused orientation—which Israel met by launching an ambitious plan in 2014 for developing the 1052 Druze settlements in the Golan.\",\"PeriodicalId\":44103,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.3000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-27\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10130\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"LAW\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10130","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"LAW","Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract For decades, the Druze community on the Golan Heights has waged a political struggle against Israeli sovereignty over the Golan, demonstrating its loyalty to Syria by refusing to accept Israeli citizenship, ostracizing (religiously and socially) anyone who does so, vetoing service in the idf , not teaching Hebrew in schools, celebrating Syrian national holidays, attending Syrian universities, etc. In the wake of the outbreak of the popular uprising in Syria in 2011, however, it has begun showing clear signs of cracks, most prominently amongst the younger generation. Due first and foremost to utilitarian factors. Characterised by a utilitarian wish to integrate into Israeli economy and society, this trend finds various expressions. Firstly, the number of Druze seeking Israeli citizenship has risen, albeit not dramatically, a clear correlation existing between this fact and the decline of the Ba’ath regime. Secondly, and at the same time, more young adults have begun applying to Israeli universities, the decade between 2011 and 2021 witnessing a significant rise in the number of Golan Druze students studying therein. Thirdly, in continuation of the same trend, the members of the Golan Druze community also began adopting an economic-focused orientation—which Israel met by launching an ambitious plan in 2014 for developing the 1052 Druze settlements in the Golan.