指挥信徒:摩洛哥王国与伊朗伊斯兰共和国的关系

IF 0.8 Q2 AREA STUDIES
Annie Tracy Samuel
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It is based on evidence obtained during fieldwork conducted in Morocco, including in-person interviews with top Moroccan foreign-policy makers; on analysis of English, Arabic, and Persian primary sources, including news reports, official statements, and U.S. diplomatic cables; and on insights derived from the historical, empirical, and theoretical literature on subjects pertaining to foreign policy, Islam, and regime legitimacy. That examination reveals, and this study argues, that Morocco’s decision to rupture relations with Iran in 2009 and its foreign policy regarding Iran more broadly were driven by two key concerns: (1) Morocco’s position in relation to the prevailing strategic dynamics of the Middle East, particularly apprehension over Iran’s growing role in the region, the mobilisation of Arab monarchies into a coalition to counter Iranian influence, and the implications of a close alliance with the United States; and (2) the paramount goal of Morocco’s domestic policy, that of maintaining monarchical authority and legitimacy, and the king’s reliance on a particular interpretation of Islam and his role as Commander of the Faithful in pursuit thereof.KEYWORDS: MoroccoIranforeign policyIslamMiddle East AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to the Arabic Language Institute in Fes, all those who were interviewed for this study, and Bruce Maddy-Weitzman for his feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 An important exception is Fernández-Molina (Citation2016).2 One scholar (Zartman Citation1985, 97) has claimed that Islam is ‘absen[t]’ from and ‘unnecessary’ to both the conduct and understanding of Moroccan foreign policy. A notable exception in this regard is Hmimnat Citation2020.3 MFAC is now known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation, and Moroccan Expatriets.4 Also spelled Kacem Mohamed Tajeddine and Qassim Mohammed Taj al-Din.5 See Cherkaoui Citation2018; Elatouabi Citation2018; Errazzouki Citation2018; Ghanmi Citation2018; Igrouane Citation2017; Jacobs Citation2019; Kasraoui Citation2018a; Koudelka and Sandby-Thomas Citation2018; Masiky Citation2018; Morocco World News Citation2017; Citation2018b; Mouzahem Citation2018; Zaireg Citation2018.6 Article 41 of the 2011 Morocco Constitution. For English translations see ‘Draft Text of the Constitution Adopted at the Referendum of 1 July 2011,’ trans. Jefri J. Ruchti, in World Constitutions Illustrated, ed. Jefri J. Ruchti (Buffalo, NY: William S. Hein, Citation2011). The 1996 constitution includes very similar language.7 See also Buskens Citation2010; Eickelman Citation1986; El-Katiri Citation2013; Howe Citation2005; Munson Citation1986; Sater Citation2007; Zeghal Citation2008; Zemni Citation2011; Zweiri and König Citation2008.8 Author Interviews with Mohamed Maliki, the Director for Asian and Oceanic Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Morocco (Citation2015b), and with Mbarka Bouaida, the Minister Delegate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, conducted in person at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in Rabat in July Citation2015c.9 For Maghraoui (Citation2009, 196), the breaking of relations with Iran, ‘[r]egardless of the objective basis and level[] of seriousness’ of the matter, ‘speak[s] very significantly to the importance that the Moroccan state accords to managing and having control over the religious field and the moral order in the country.’10 Author Interview with Ali Filali, Member of Istiqlal Party, in Fes, June Citation2015d.11 Author Interview with Nizar Messari, Associate Professor of International Affairs and Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Al Akhawayn University, Ifrane, Morocco, conducted in person at Al Akhawayn University in June Citation2015a.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga: [Faculty Research Grant, Access and Diversity Grant]; the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa and the Moroccan-American Cultural Center: [Moroccan Studies Research Grant].","PeriodicalId":46182,"journal":{"name":"Journal of North African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Commanding the faithful: the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran\",\"authors\":\"Annie Tracy Samuel\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/13629387.2023.2258337\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThis study analyses the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on Morocco’s decision to sever ties with Iran in 2009. 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That examination reveals, and this study argues, that Morocco’s decision to rupture relations with Iran in 2009 and its foreign policy regarding Iran more broadly were driven by two key concerns: (1) Morocco’s position in relation to the prevailing strategic dynamics of the Middle East, particularly apprehension over Iran’s growing role in the region, the mobilisation of Arab monarchies into a coalition to counter Iranian influence, and the implications of a close alliance with the United States; and (2) the paramount goal of Morocco’s domestic policy, that of maintaining monarchical authority and legitimacy, and the king’s reliance on a particular interpretation of Islam and his role as Commander of the Faithful in pursuit thereof.KEYWORDS: MoroccoIranforeign policyIslamMiddle East AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to the Arabic Language Institute in Fes, all those who were interviewed for this study, and Bruce Maddy-Weitzman for his feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 An important exception is Fernández-Molina (Citation2016).2 One scholar (Zartman Citation1985, 97) has claimed that Islam is ‘absen[t]’ from and ‘unnecessary’ to both the conduct and understanding of Moroccan foreign policy. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本研究分析了摩洛哥王国与伊朗伊斯兰共和国的关系,重点分析了2009年摩洛哥与伊朗断交的决定。它阐明了推动摩洛哥外交政策的动力,突出了国内政治考虑在形成外交政策方面的重要性,以及摩洛哥政权认为伊斯兰教与安全之间的密切联系。这项评估是基于对摩洛哥政策和观点的批判性和信息性分析。它基于在摩洛哥进行的实地调查中获得的证据,包括与摩洛哥最高外交政策制定者的面对面访谈;分析英语、阿拉伯语和波斯语主要资料来源,包括新闻报道、官方声明和美国外交电报;以及从有关外交政策、伊斯兰教和政权合法性的历史、经验和理论文献中获得的见解。这项研究表明,摩洛哥在2009年决定与伊朗断绝关系,并在更广泛的范围内对伊朗采取外交政策,是由两个关键问题驱动的:(1)摩洛哥对中东当前战略动态的立场,特别是对伊朗在该地区日益增长的作用的担忧,动员阿拉伯君主国结成联盟以对抗伊朗的影响,以及与美国结成密切联盟的影响;(2)摩洛哥国内政策的最高目标,即维护君主制的权威和合法性,以及国王对伊斯兰教的特定解释的依赖,以及他作为忠实信徒指挥官的角色。作者感谢位于费斯的阿拉伯语言学院,以及所有接受本研究采访的人,并感谢Bruce Maddy-Weitzman提供的反馈。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1一个重要的例外是Fernández-Molina (Citation2016)一位学者(Zartman citation1985,97)声称,伊斯兰教在摩洛哥外交政策的执行与理解中“缺席”且“没有必要”。在这方面一个值得注意的例外是hmimat Citation2020.3 MFAC现在被称为外交,非洲合作和摩洛哥侨民部,也拼写为Kacem Mohamed Tajeddine和Qassim Mohammed Taj al- din参见Cherkaoui Citation2018;Elatouabi Citation2018;Errazzouki Citation2018;Ghanmi Citation2018;Igrouane Citation2017;雅各布斯Citation2019;Kasraoui Citation2018a;Koudelka and Sandby-Thomas Citation2018;Masiky Citation2018;摩洛哥世界新闻引用2017;Citation2018b;Mouzahem Citation2018;2018.6 2011年摩洛哥宪法第41条。英文翻译见《2011年7月1日全民公决通过的宪法草案》。Jefri J. Ruchti,见《世界宪法画报》,Jefri J. Ruchti编(纽约州布法罗:William S. Hein, Citation2011)。1996年的宪法包含了非常相似的措辞参见Buskens Citation2010;Eickelman Citation1986;场持久战Citation2013;豪Citation2005;老李Citation1986;萨特Citation2007;Zeghal Citation2008;Zemni Citation2011;Zweiri和König Citation2008.8作者对摩洛哥外交与合作部亚洲和大洋洲事务主任Mohamed Maliki (Citation2015b)和外交与合作部部长代表Mbarka Bouaida的访谈,访谈于7月在拉巴特的外交与合作部进行对Maghraoui而言(Citation2009, 196),与伊朗的关系破裂,“无论事件的客观基础和严重程度如何”,“都非常明显地说明了摩洛哥政府对管理和控制国内宗教领域和道德秩序的重视。”[10]《中国共产党党员阿里·菲拉利的作者访谈》,《中国日报》2015年6月11日作者采访Nizar Messari,国际事务副教授和人文社会科学学院院长,摩洛哥伊夫兰阿卡瓦因大学,6月在阿卡瓦因大学亲自进行引文2015。本研究得到了田纳西大学查塔努加分校的资助:[教师研究补助金,准入和多样性补助金];中东和非洲研究协会和摩洛哥-美国文化中心:[摩洛哥研究研究基金]。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Commanding the faithful: the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran
ABSTRACTThis study analyses the Kingdom of Morocco’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on Morocco’s decision to sever ties with Iran in 2009. It sheds light on the dynamics that drive Morocco’s foreign policy and highlights the importance of domestic political considerations in shaping foreign policy and the close connections in the view of the Moroccan regime between Islam and security. The assessment is driven by a critical and source-driven analysis of Moroccan policies and perspectives. It is based on evidence obtained during fieldwork conducted in Morocco, including in-person interviews with top Moroccan foreign-policy makers; on analysis of English, Arabic, and Persian primary sources, including news reports, official statements, and U.S. diplomatic cables; and on insights derived from the historical, empirical, and theoretical literature on subjects pertaining to foreign policy, Islam, and regime legitimacy. That examination reveals, and this study argues, that Morocco’s decision to rupture relations with Iran in 2009 and its foreign policy regarding Iran more broadly were driven by two key concerns: (1) Morocco’s position in relation to the prevailing strategic dynamics of the Middle East, particularly apprehension over Iran’s growing role in the region, the mobilisation of Arab monarchies into a coalition to counter Iranian influence, and the implications of a close alliance with the United States; and (2) the paramount goal of Morocco’s domestic policy, that of maintaining monarchical authority and legitimacy, and the king’s reliance on a particular interpretation of Islam and his role as Commander of the Faithful in pursuit thereof.KEYWORDS: MoroccoIranforeign policyIslamMiddle East AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to the Arabic Language Institute in Fes, all those who were interviewed for this study, and Bruce Maddy-Weitzman for his feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 An important exception is Fernández-Molina (Citation2016).2 One scholar (Zartman Citation1985, 97) has claimed that Islam is ‘absen[t]’ from and ‘unnecessary’ to both the conduct and understanding of Moroccan foreign policy. A notable exception in this regard is Hmimnat Citation2020.3 MFAC is now known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation, and Moroccan Expatriets.4 Also spelled Kacem Mohamed Tajeddine and Qassim Mohammed Taj al-Din.5 See Cherkaoui Citation2018; Elatouabi Citation2018; Errazzouki Citation2018; Ghanmi Citation2018; Igrouane Citation2017; Jacobs Citation2019; Kasraoui Citation2018a; Koudelka and Sandby-Thomas Citation2018; Masiky Citation2018; Morocco World News Citation2017; Citation2018b; Mouzahem Citation2018; Zaireg Citation2018.6 Article 41 of the 2011 Morocco Constitution. For English translations see ‘Draft Text of the Constitution Adopted at the Referendum of 1 July 2011,’ trans. Jefri J. Ruchti, in World Constitutions Illustrated, ed. Jefri J. Ruchti (Buffalo, NY: William S. Hein, Citation2011). The 1996 constitution includes very similar language.7 See also Buskens Citation2010; Eickelman Citation1986; El-Katiri Citation2013; Howe Citation2005; Munson Citation1986; Sater Citation2007; Zeghal Citation2008; Zemni Citation2011; Zweiri and König Citation2008.8 Author Interviews with Mohamed Maliki, the Director for Asian and Oceanic Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Morocco (Citation2015b), and with Mbarka Bouaida, the Minister Delegate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, conducted in person at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in Rabat in July Citation2015c.9 For Maghraoui (Citation2009, 196), the breaking of relations with Iran, ‘[r]egardless of the objective basis and level[] of seriousness’ of the matter, ‘speak[s] very significantly to the importance that the Moroccan state accords to managing and having control over the religious field and the moral order in the country.’10 Author Interview with Ali Filali, Member of Istiqlal Party, in Fes, June Citation2015d.11 Author Interview with Nizar Messari, Associate Professor of International Affairs and Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Al Akhawayn University, Ifrane, Morocco, conducted in person at Al Akhawayn University in June Citation2015a.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga: [Faculty Research Grant, Access and Diversity Grant]; the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa and the Moroccan-American Cultural Center: [Moroccan Studies Research Grant].
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
56
期刊介绍: North Africa has rarely been treated as a cohesive area of study, even though historical and social links have always been strong, with most of its constituent countries having been part of the Ottoman empire. In part this has been because of its colonial past, with Egypt and Sudan having been under British control, Libya being first occupied by Italy, then administered by Britain and France; whilst the maghrib states of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania belonged to the French colonial empire, with a Spanish presence in parts of Morocco and the Western Sahara. Today, however, the countries concerned increasingly share a common destiny.
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