Problematizing Iranian university autonomy: a historical-institutional perspective

ABSTRACTThis article adopts an institutional perspective to elucidate Iranian university autonomy. First, a historical analysis traces statist dominance over academia in Iran by examining archival sources, documents, and scholarly works. Second, a content analysis of expert panels, interviews, and literature categorizes higher education's problems to delineate key issues. Third, a meta-analysis examines the implications for institutional autonomy and academic freedom. Fourth, governmental strategy regarding university autonomy is scrutinized by analyzing policies, laws, and statements. Finally, a reconciliatory strategy is proposed embracing accountability while expanding autonomy. Tracing critical junctures, the analysis outlines the divergence of modern universities from traditional seminaries through state establishment based on Western models, engendering governance effects. The 1851 Dar ol-Fonun constituted an initial modernizing response. The 1934 genesis of Tehran University enacted a seminal rupture with old seminaries. The 1980 Cultural Revolution expanded governmental control to reshape higher education. Consequently, extensive interventions overlaid with centralized bureaucracy have dominated academia. Resultant autonomy constraints stem from structural-administrative deficiencies, financial dependence, attenuated university-society connections, and pervasive formalism. By illuminating the historical shaping forces, this perspective identifies avenues for developing accountability-anchored autonomy through contextualized strategy, providing insights into policy pathways.KEYWORDS: University autonomyhigher education in Iranhistorical institutionalismstate-university relationship AcknowledgmentsThis work was supported by the Center for Public Policy Studies at the University of Tehran. We would like to extend our appreciation to the Center and its Director, Dr. Madjid Vahid, for their support.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. University autonomy refers to the degree of self-governance granted to higher education institutions to make independent decisions across key domains like administration, finances, academics, and research without external intervention.2. As Wittrock notes, this twofold was somehow not exclusive to Germans: ‘In this period of European history, an unresolved tension between a general development towards scientific specialization and internationalization and increasing demands that universities contribute to the strengthening and the power ambitions of different nations. Growing awareness, shared by the universities themselves, of the international nature of science and of universities as institutions, went often hand in hand with a strong sense of national pride also among university professors and students’ (Citation2019, 283).3. The German bureaucratic structure influenced American bureaucratic reforms in the late 19th century, as seen in Woodrow Wilson’s political thought (see Link Citation1968). Drawing inspiration from Wilson’s wise counsel, ‘We can never learn either our own weaknesses or our own virtues by comparing ourselves with ourselves’ (Wilson Citation1887, 219), we will heed his advice in our conclusion.4. Javad Tabatabai, in his brilliant book, Tabriz School, has attributed this title to the initial group of modernist reformists who were active in the court of crown prince in Tabriz.5. Dar ol-Fonun was regarded by foreign observers as a component of Amir Kabir extensive military reforms, aimed mainly at enhancing the quality of officers of the inefficient Persian army (Gurney and Nabavi Citation1993)6. We used data from Farasatkhah (Citation2021 [two volumes]), which included reports of 30 expert panels with Iranian higher education officials and specialists, and Mahuzi et al. (Citation2022), which included analysis from an expert panel of 26 specialists and administrators on Iran’s higher education regulations. We also referenced interviews and statements from senior Iranian higher education officials in media sources. Additionally, relevant studies regarding university autonomy and the state-university relationship in Iran were also referenced, to which we will return in the meta-analysis section.7. In 1979, the total number of Iran’s public and private higher education institutions was 232, increasing to 1300 by 2005 (Tabnak, Feb 6, Citation2019; Irna, June 26; Citation2013). Over the next 8 years it jumped to 2639, reaching 2724 by 2018 (Tabnak, Feb 6, Citation2019).8. University administrators desire autonomy in faculty recruitment without governmental interference, yet lack the requisite institutional capacity to attract qualified academics, as past hiring have frequently stemmed from personal connections, clientelism, or cronyism rather than impersonal, professional principles.9. As the scholar of administrative law, the late Professor Tabatabai Motameni notes, ‘Non-territorial or technical decentralization refers to granting autonomy and decision-making authority to an organization or group of experts for technical and specialized affairs, so they can work free from political or administrative influence and are not highly dependent on governmental policies. Therefore, an effort is made for that organization to have an independent board of directors elected from within that body … and be run by it. … Examples are cultural institutions such as universities that possess autonomy and a distinct legal personality and manage the tasks assigned to them through their own councils’ (Citation2018, 76).10. A higher education administrator, who was physician, defending the notion of regionalization referred to it as ‘higher education federalism’ during one of the panel discussions (Farasatkhah Citation2021, 566).11. One of the panel members correctly pointed out that ‘we must separate decentralization from university independence; that is, decentralization will not necessarily lead to greater independence (Farasatkhah Citation2021, 522).’12. An official from the Ministry of Science announced in June 2023 that according to the Reorganization of Higher Education plan, the country’s current 2,183 universities will be merged into 400 universities (Entekhab, June 22, Citation2022).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Center for Public Policy Studies, University of Tehran.Notes on contributorsHabib Ollah FazeliHabib ollah Fazeli is an Assistant Professor of Political Science in the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the University of Tehran. He earned his Ph.D. in 2010 and his research interests include the history of political and legal thought in Iran, Iranian national identity, the evolution of academic institutions in Iran, and constitutional law.Behzad AttarzadehBehzad Attarzadeh earned his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Tehran, where his thesis on the state and foundations of public policy in Iran was awarded the 2018 Farabi International Award for the 2nd best work in Political Science, International Relations, and Regional Studies. He has research experience at scientific institutions in Tehran and has taught as a lecturer at the University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba'i University, and Ferdowsi University of Mashhad. His research interests include the history of state and political institutions in Iran, theories of state, state-university relations, and Iranian national identity.