社交媒体和教育在哪里相遇?深入了解对民主的理解

IF 3.7 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Leeann H. Youn, Haruka Nagao, William Hatungimana, Rigao Liu
{"title":"社交媒体和教育在哪里相遇?深入了解对民主的理解","authors":"Leeann H. Youn, Haruka Nagao, William Hatungimana, Rigao Liu","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2258809","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTSocial media presents a contradictory relationship with democracy. Once, it was regarded as a tool for democracy, providing alternative sources of information and coordinating social movements for democratization. Later it also became a tool for authoritarian regimes to control information and spread propaganda to stay in power. This mixed perception suggests that both democratic and authoritarian forces can use social media to influence public opinion. This presents a puzzle to the relationship between social media use and democratic understanding. Does social media promote or erode understanding of democracy? This study argues that the effect of social media use on understanding of democracy depends on higher education. The relationship also differs between democracies and non-democracies. Using the newest wave of the World Values Survey (wave 7, 2017–2020), this study analyses the influence of social media use on understanding of democracy in non-democracies and democracies. The findings suggest that social media use positively affects understanding of democracy in democratic countries. However, the democratic effect of social media is nullified in non-democracy unless it interacts with higher education. The findings offer implications for the relationship between social media, higher education, and understanding of democracy.KEYWORDS: Understanding of democracysocial mediahigher educationregime typepublic opinion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”2 Chang et al., “Authoritarian Nostalgia in Asia”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”3 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”4 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.5 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”6 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”7 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”8 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”9 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.10 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”11 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”12 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”13 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”14 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”15 For example, Guriev and Treisman, “Informational Autocrats.”16 Dahl, Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy.17 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy”; Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy; Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”18 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy.”19 Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”20 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.21 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”22 Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”23 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”24 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”25 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”26 Ibid.27 Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy,” italic is added.28 Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It.”29 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy.”30 Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”31 Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding.”32 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”33 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.34 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”35 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”36 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”37 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”38 Ibid.39 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”40 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”41 Ibid.42 Cho, “Internet and Democratic Citizenship.”43 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”44 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”45 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”46 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition.”47 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”48 Tucker et al., “From Liberation to Turmoil.”49 Breuer, Landman, and Farquhar, “Social Media and Protest Mobilization.”50 Tucker et al., “From Liberation to Turmoil”, 48.51 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization.”52 Ibid.53 Deibert, “The Road to Digital Unfreedom.”54 Gunitsky, “Corrupting the Cyber-Commons.”55 Rød and Weidmann, “Empowering Activists or Autocrats?”, 340.56 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Guess and Lyons, “Misinformation, Disinformation, and Online Propaganda”; Zhuravskaya, Petrova, and Enikolopov, “Political Effects of the Internet and Social Media.”57 Hunter, “Social Media, Disinformation, and Democracy.”58 Ibid.59 Ibid.60 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”61 Chang, “Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation.”62 Placek, “Democracy: Social media use and democratic legitimacy.”63 Ibid.64 Swigger, “The Online Citizen.”65 Nisbet, Stoycheff, and Pearce, “Internet Use and Democratic Demands.”66 Chang, “Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation.”67 Cho, “Internet and Democratic Citizenship.”68 Hassan, Kendall, and Whitefield, “Media, Cultural Consumption and Support for Democracy.”69 Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”70 Ibid.71 Ibid.72 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization.”73 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”74 Cook and Westheimer, “Introduction”; Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”75 Ibid.76 Mann, “Twelfth Annual Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education”, 42–3.77 Webster, On the Education of Youth in America.78 Bratton et al., “The Effects of Civic Education on Political Culture.”79 Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”80 Dewey, “Democracy and Education.”81 Ibid.82 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy”; Carr, “Educators and Education for Democracy.”83 Hillygus, “The MISSING LINK.”84 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy.”85 Hutchins, “Democracy and Education.”86 Nie and Hillygus, “Education and Democratic Citizenship.”87 Jewett, “Thomas Jefferson and the Purposes of Education.”88 Torney-Purta, Richardson, and Barber, “Teachers’ Educational Experience and Confidence.”89 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy.”90 Englund, “Higher Education, Democracy and Citizenship.”91 Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”92 Cantoni et al., “Curriculum and Ideology”; Testa, “Education and Propaganda”; Voigtländer and Voth, “Nazi Indoctrination and Anti-Semitic Beliefs in Germany.”93 Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”94 Dahlum and Wig, “Educating Demonstrators.”95 Dahlum and Wig, “Chaos on Campus.”96 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization”; Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness”; Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”97 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness”; Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”98 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy”; Englund, “Higher Education, Democracy and Citizenship”; Torney-Purta, Richardson, and Barber, “Teachers’ Educational Experience and Confidence.”99 Cook and Westheimer, “Introduction”; Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”; Placek, “Democracy.”100 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”101 Haw, “What Drives Political News Engagement in Digital Spaces?”102 Mattes and Luescher-Mamashela, “The Roles of Higher Education in the Democratization.”103 Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”104 Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”105 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”106 Haw, “What Drives Political News Engagement in Digital Spaces?”107 Ibid.108 Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls.”109 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”110 Marshall and Curr, “Polity5”111 In addition, the “Don’t know” answer takes a small percentage of total responses, which would not significantly affect our outcome. The percentages of “Don’t know” answers are 2.6% for procedural democracy and 4.5% for liberal democracy.112 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”113 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”114 Przeworski, “Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defence”; Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy.”115 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”116 Ibid.117 One interesting finding from these descriptive statistics is that the average understanding of liberal democracy is higher in non-democracies than democracies. Although our research does not aim to find the reason for this interesting difference, one may suspect that relatively weak protection of civil rights in non-democracies makes citizens perceive its importance more critically than citizens in democracies. Particularly, citizens in competitive authoritarian regimes with elections, coded as non-democracy in our study, may have realized that procedural democracy without protected civil rights does not offer them the true benefit of democracy.118 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”119 Wike et al., “Globally, Broad Support for Representative and Direct Democracy.”120 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”121 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Dataset V9.”122 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Codebook V9”, 186.123 Cantoni et al., “Curriculum and Ideology”; Testa, “Education and Propaganda”; Voigtländer and Voth, “Nazi Indoctrination and Anti-Semitic Beliefs in Germany.”124 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”125 Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”126 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”127 Ibid.128 Ibid.129 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies”; Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”130 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy”; Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy; Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”131 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”132 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”Additional informationNotes on contributorsLeeann H. YounLeeann H. Youn is an Adjunct Assistant Professor in the World Languages and Cultures at University of Maryland Global Campus. Her research interests include Comparative Politics (democratization, party, campaign, and election) and Public Policy (policy making and implementation), and Asian politics.Haruka NagaoHaruka Nagao is an Assistant Professor in the Political Science Department at Oklahoma State University. Her/their research focuses on Chinese politics, health politics, gender and politics.William HatungimanaWilliam Hatungimana is a Visiting Assistant Professor at Oklahoma State University. His specialization is in Comparative Politics and International Relations (IR). His research interests include Migration and Immigration Politics, China Politics, and African Politics.Rigao LiuRigao Liu is a Ph.D. candidate studying Comparative Politics and International Relations from the Department of Political Science at the University of Kansas (KU). He is also a Graduate Researcher of KU Trade War Lab. His research explores on public opinion, social development, and political economy in China.","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Where do social media and education meet? A closer look at understanding of democracy\",\"authors\":\"Leeann H. Youn, Haruka Nagao, William Hatungimana, Rigao Liu\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/13510347.2023.2258809\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTSocial media presents a contradictory relationship with democracy. Once, it was regarded as a tool for democracy, providing alternative sources of information and coordinating social movements for democratization. Later it also became a tool for authoritarian regimes to control information and spread propaganda to stay in power. This mixed perception suggests that both democratic and authoritarian forces can use social media to influence public opinion. This presents a puzzle to the relationship between social media use and democratic understanding. Does social media promote or erode understanding of democracy? This study argues that the effect of social media use on understanding of democracy depends on higher education. The relationship also differs between democracies and non-democracies. Using the newest wave of the World Values Survey (wave 7, 2017–2020), this study analyses the influence of social media use on understanding of democracy in non-democracies and democracies. The findings suggest that social media use positively affects understanding of democracy in democratic countries. However, the democratic effect of social media is nullified in non-democracy unless it interacts with higher education. The findings offer implications for the relationship between social media, higher education, and understanding of democracy.KEYWORDS: Understanding of democracysocial mediahigher educationregime typepublic opinion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”2 Chang et al., “Authoritarian Nostalgia in Asia”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”3 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”4 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.5 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”6 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”7 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”8 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”9 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.10 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”11 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”12 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”13 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”14 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”15 For example, Guriev and Treisman, “Informational Autocrats.”16 Dahl, Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy.17 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy”; Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy; Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”18 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy.”19 Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”20 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.21 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”22 Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”23 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”24 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”25 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”26 Ibid.27 Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy,” italic is added.28 Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It.”29 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy.”30 Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”31 Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding.”32 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”33 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.34 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”35 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”36 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”37 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”38 Ibid.39 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”40 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”41 Ibid.42 Cho, “Internet and Democratic Citizenship.”43 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”44 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”45 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”46 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition.”47 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”48 Tucker et al., “From Liberation to Turmoil.”49 Breuer, Landman, and Farquhar, “Social Media and Protest Mobilization.”50 Tucker et al., “From Liberation to Turmoil”, 48.51 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization.”52 Ibid.53 Deibert, “The Road to Digital Unfreedom.”54 Gunitsky, “Corrupting the Cyber-Commons.”55 Rød and Weidmann, “Empowering Activists or Autocrats?”, 340.56 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Guess and Lyons, “Misinformation, Disinformation, and Online Propaganda”; Zhuravskaya, Petrova, and Enikolopov, “Political Effects of the Internet and Social Media.”57 Hunter, “Social Media, Disinformation, and Democracy.”58 Ibid.59 Ibid.60 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”61 Chang, “Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation.”62 Placek, “Democracy: Social media use and democratic legitimacy.”63 Ibid.64 Swigger, “The Online Citizen.”65 Nisbet, Stoycheff, and Pearce, “Internet Use and Democratic Demands.”66 Chang, “Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation.”67 Cho, “Internet and Democratic Citizenship.”68 Hassan, Kendall, and Whitefield, “Media, Cultural Consumption and Support for Democracy.”69 Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”70 Ibid.71 Ibid.72 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization.”73 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”74 Cook and Westheimer, “Introduction”; Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”75 Ibid.76 Mann, “Twelfth Annual Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education”, 42–3.77 Webster, On the Education of Youth in America.78 Bratton et al., “The Effects of Civic Education on Political Culture.”79 Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”80 Dewey, “Democracy and Education.”81 Ibid.82 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy”; Carr, “Educators and Education for Democracy.”83 Hillygus, “The MISSING LINK.”84 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy.”85 Hutchins, “Democracy and Education.”86 Nie and Hillygus, “Education and Democratic Citizenship.”87 Jewett, “Thomas Jefferson and the Purposes of Education.”88 Torney-Purta, Richardson, and Barber, “Teachers’ Educational Experience and Confidence.”89 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy.”90 Englund, “Higher Education, Democracy and Citizenship.”91 Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”92 Cantoni et al., “Curriculum and Ideology”; Testa, “Education and Propaganda”; Voigtländer and Voth, “Nazi Indoctrination and Anti-Semitic Beliefs in Germany.”93 Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”94 Dahlum and Wig, “Educating Demonstrators.”95 Dahlum and Wig, “Chaos on Campus.”96 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization”; Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness”; Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”97 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness”; Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”98 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy”; Englund, “Higher Education, Democracy and Citizenship”; Torney-Purta, Richardson, and Barber, “Teachers’ Educational Experience and Confidence.”99 Cook and Westheimer, “Introduction”; Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”; Placek, “Democracy.”100 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”101 Haw, “What Drives Political News Engagement in Digital Spaces?”102 Mattes and Luescher-Mamashela, “The Roles of Higher Education in the Democratization.”103 Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”104 Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”105 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”106 Haw, “What Drives Political News Engagement in Digital Spaces?”107 Ibid.108 Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls.”109 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”110 Marshall and Curr, “Polity5”111 In addition, the “Don’t know” answer takes a small percentage of total responses, which would not significantly affect our outcome. The percentages of “Don’t know” answers are 2.6% for procedural democracy and 4.5% for liberal democracy.112 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”113 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”114 Przeworski, “Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defence”; Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy.”115 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”116 Ibid.117 One interesting finding from these descriptive statistics is that the average understanding of liberal democracy is higher in non-democracies than democracies. Although our research does not aim to find the reason for this interesting difference, one may suspect that relatively weak protection of civil rights in non-democracies makes citizens perceive its importance more critically than citizens in democracies. Particularly, citizens in competitive authoritarian regimes with elections, coded as non-democracy in our study, may have realized that procedural democracy without protected civil rights does not offer them the true benefit of democracy.118 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”119 Wike et al., “Globally, Broad Support for Representative and Direct Democracy.”120 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”121 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Dataset V9.”122 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Codebook V9”, 186.123 Cantoni et al., “Curriculum and Ideology”; Testa, “Education and Propaganda”; Voigtländer and Voth, “Nazi Indoctrination and Anti-Semitic Beliefs in Germany.”124 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”125 Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”126 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”127 Ibid.128 Ibid.129 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies”; Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”130 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy”; Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy; Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”131 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”132 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”Additional informationNotes on contributorsLeeann H. YounLeeann H. Youn is an Adjunct Assistant Professor in the World Languages and Cultures at University of Maryland Global Campus. Her research interests include Comparative Politics (democratization, party, campaign, and election) and Public Policy (policy making and implementation), and Asian politics.Haruka NagaoHaruka Nagao is an Assistant Professor in the Political Science Department at Oklahoma State University. Her/their research focuses on Chinese politics, health politics, gender and politics.William HatungimanaWilliam Hatungimana is a Visiting Assistant Professor at Oklahoma State University. His specialization is in Comparative Politics and International Relations (IR). His research interests include Migration and Immigration Politics, China Politics, and African Politics.Rigao LiuRigao Liu is a Ph.D. candidate studying Comparative Politics and International Relations from the Department of Political Science at the University of Kansas (KU). He is also a Graduate Researcher of KU Trade War Lab. His research explores on public opinion, social development, and political economy in China.\",\"PeriodicalId\":47953,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Democratization\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":3.7000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-15\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Democratization\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2258809\",\"RegionNum\":1,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"POLITICAL SCIENCE\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Democratization","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2258809","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"POLITICAL SCIENCE","Score":null,"Total":0}
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摘要

社交媒体与民主呈现出一种矛盾的关系。曾经,它被视为民主的工具,提供其他信息来源和协调民主化的社会运动。后来,它也成为专制政权控制信息和传播宣传以保持权力的工具。这种复杂的看法表明,民主和威权力量都可以利用社交媒体影响公众舆论。这给社交媒体的使用和民主理解之间的关系带来了困惑。社交媒体是促进还是侵蚀对民主的理解?这项研究认为,社交媒体使用对理解民主的影响取决于高等教育。民主国家和非民主国家之间的关系也有所不同。利用最新一波的世界价值观调查(2017-2020年第7波),本研究分析了社交媒体的使用对非民主国家和民主国家对民主的理解的影响。研究结果表明,在民主国家,社交媒体的使用会对人们对民主的理解产生积极影响。然而,除非与高等教育互动,否则社交媒体的民主效应在非民主中是无效的。这些发现为社交媒体、高等教育和对民主的理解之间的关系提供了启示。关键词:对民主的理解;社交媒体;高等教育制度;舆论披露声明;注1参见Chapman et al.,“Under the Veil of Democracy”;西纳尔和布尔:《民主理解的多样性》;Gerber和Chapman,“熟悉滋生轻蔑?2张等,《亚洲的威权怀旧》;Kirsch和Welzel:《被误解的民主》;申,《大众对民主主义的理解》3 Kirsch和Welzel,《被误解的民主》;《非民主国家对民主的高估》。4 Almond and Verba,《公民文化》。5 Lipset,《民主的一些社会必要条件》。6 Inglehart,《现代化、后现代与风险观念的变化》。7卡纳奇:《公民对民主的概念化》;Chapman et al.,《在民主的面纱之下》;“了解民主主义就是热爱民主主义”;Gerber和Chapman,“熟悉滋生轻蔑?8《公民文化》,阿尔蒙德和维尔巴;Inglehart:《现代化、后现代与风险观念的变化》;利普塞特,《民主的一些社会条件》9 Lu and Chu,《对民主的理解》。10 Zagrebina,《民主与非民主国家的民主概念》。11 Ceka and magalh<e:1>,《富人和穷人对民主有不同的概念吗?》12 Allcott and Gentzkow,“社交媒体与假新闻”;Behrouzian et al.,“抵制审查”;Dal和Nisbet,《穿越防火墙》;lesenski, <对“后真相”的适应能力>。13 Bodó等人,“对多样性感兴趣”;Borgesius等人,“我们应该担心过滤气泡吗?”14 Haerpfer等人,《世界价值观调查:第七轮-国家汇总数据》。15例如,Guriev和Treisman,“信息独裁者。”16达尔:《多元民主的困境》;17道尔顿、辛和朱:《理解民主》;卢、楚:《民主的理解》《民主的意义》18道尔顿,辛,和你,<理解民主。19 Quaranta,《民主的意义》20卢、楚:《对民主的理解》;21 Kirsch、Welzel:《被误解的民主》;申,《大众对民主主义的理解》22 Shin,《大众对民主的理解》。23 Kirsch和Welzel, <被误解的民主>。24萨格勒比纳,“民主与非民主国家的民主概念”。25杨,《非民主国家对民主的高估》。26同上,27 Shin,“对民主的普遍理解”,斜体添加Chapman et al.,《在民主的面纱之下》;“了解民主主义就是热爱民主主义。”29 Canache, <公民对民主的概念化>。30 Gerber and Chapman,“熟悉滋生轻蔑?”31 Cinar and Bulbul, <民主理解的多样性>。《公民文化》,阿尔蒙德和韦尔巴著;Inglehart:《现代化、后现代与风险观念的变化》;利普塞特,《民主的一些社会条件》33 Almond and Verba,《公民文化》。34 Lipset,《民主的一些社会必要条件》。35 Inglehart,《现代化、后现代与风险观念的变化》。36 Canache:《公民对民主的概念化》;Chapman et al.,《在民主的面纱之下》;“了解民主主义就是热爱民主主义”;Gerber和Chapman,“熟悉滋生轻蔑?37 Ceka and magalh<e:1>,《富人和穷人有不同的民主观念吗?》38同上39 Cho,“全球公民对民主的了解程度如何?”;Kirsch和Welzel, <被误解的民主>40 Cho,“全球公民对民主的了解程度如何?”41同上,42 Cho,“互联网与民主公民”。 ,《世界价值观调查:第七轮-国家汇总数据》。113 Kirsch和Welzel:《被误解的民主》;申,《大众对民主主义的理解》114普热沃斯基:《民主的极简主义概念:辩护》;《非自由民主的兴起》。115 Haerpfer等人,《世界价值观调查:第七轮-国家汇总数据》。这些描述性统计数据的一个有趣发现是,非民主国家对自由民主的平均理解高于民主国家。尽管我们的研究并不旨在找出这种有趣差异的原因,但人们可能会怀疑,非民主国家对公民权利的保护相对薄弱,使得公民比民主国家的公民更批判性地认识到其重要性。特别是,在我们的研究中被归类为非民主的竞争性专制政权中,有选举的公民可能已经意识到,没有保护公民权利的程序性民主并不能给他们带来民主的真正好处Haerpfer等人,《世界价值观调查:第七轮-国家汇总数据》。119 Wike等人,《全球范围内,对代议制和直接民主的广泛支持》。杨,《非民主国家对民主的高估》。121 Coppedge et al.,《V-Dem Dataset V9》。122 Coppedge et al.《V-Dem Codebook V9》,186.123 Cantoni et al.《课程与意识形态》;Testa“教育和宣传”;Voigtländer和Voth,“纳粹在德国的灌输和反犹太主义信仰。124杨,《对非民主国家民主的高估》。黄125,《宣传作为信号》。126 Haerpfer等人,《世界价值观调查:第七轮-国家汇总数据》。127同上。128同上。129杨,“对非民主国家民主的高估”;宣传作为信号。130道尔顿、辛恩和乔:《理解民主》;卢、楚:《民主的理解》《民主的意义》131 Kirsch和Welzel:《被误解的民主》;《非民主国家对民主的高估》。132 Kirsch和Welzel:《被误解的民主》;申,《对民主主义的大众理解》leeann H. Youn是马里兰大学全球校区世界语言与文化专业的兼职助理教授。她的研究兴趣包括比较政治学(民主化、政党、竞选和选举)、公共政策(政策制定和实施)以及亚洲政治。永尾晴香(Haruka Nagao)是俄克拉荷马州立大学政治科学系助理教授。她/他们的研究重点是中国政治、健康政治、性别与政治。William Hatungimana是俄克拉荷马州立大学的客座助理教授。他的专业是比较政治和国际关系。主要研究方向为移民与移民政治、中国政治、非洲政治。刘日高,美国堪萨斯大学政治学系比较政治与国际关系专业博士研究生。他也是堪萨斯大学贸易战实验室的研究生研究员。他的研究领域涉及中国的民意、社会发展和政治经济。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Where do social media and education meet? A closer look at understanding of democracy
ABSTRACTSocial media presents a contradictory relationship with democracy. Once, it was regarded as a tool for democracy, providing alternative sources of information and coordinating social movements for democratization. Later it also became a tool for authoritarian regimes to control information and spread propaganda to stay in power. This mixed perception suggests that both democratic and authoritarian forces can use social media to influence public opinion. This presents a puzzle to the relationship between social media use and democratic understanding. Does social media promote or erode understanding of democracy? This study argues that the effect of social media use on understanding of democracy depends on higher education. The relationship also differs between democracies and non-democracies. Using the newest wave of the World Values Survey (wave 7, 2017–2020), this study analyses the influence of social media use on understanding of democracy in non-democracies and democracies. The findings suggest that social media use positively affects understanding of democracy in democratic countries. However, the democratic effect of social media is nullified in non-democracy unless it interacts with higher education. The findings offer implications for the relationship between social media, higher education, and understanding of democracy.KEYWORDS: Understanding of democracysocial mediahigher educationregime typepublic opinion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”2 Chang et al., “Authoritarian Nostalgia in Asia”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”3 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”4 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.5 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”6 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”7 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”8 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”9 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.10 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”11 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”12 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”13 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”14 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”15 For example, Guriev and Treisman, “Informational Autocrats.”16 Dahl, Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy.17 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy”; Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy; Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”18 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy.”19 Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”20 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.21 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”22 Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”23 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”24 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”25 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”26 Ibid.27 Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy,” italic is added.28 Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It.”29 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy.”30 Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”31 Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding.”32 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”33 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.34 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”35 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”36 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”37 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”38 Ibid.39 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”40 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”41 Ibid.42 Cho, “Internet and Democratic Citizenship.”43 Cho, “How Well Are Global Citizenries Informed about Democracy?”44 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood.”45 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”46 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition.”47 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”48 Tucker et al., “From Liberation to Turmoil.”49 Breuer, Landman, and Farquhar, “Social Media and Protest Mobilization.”50 Tucker et al., “From Liberation to Turmoil”, 48.51 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization.”52 Ibid.53 Deibert, “The Road to Digital Unfreedom.”54 Gunitsky, “Corrupting the Cyber-Commons.”55 Rød and Weidmann, “Empowering Activists or Autocrats?”, 340.56 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Guess and Lyons, “Misinformation, Disinformation, and Online Propaganda”; Zhuravskaya, Petrova, and Enikolopov, “Political Effects of the Internet and Social Media.”57 Hunter, “Social Media, Disinformation, and Democracy.”58 Ibid.59 Ibid.60 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”61 Chang, “Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation.”62 Placek, “Democracy: Social media use and democratic legitimacy.”63 Ibid.64 Swigger, “The Online Citizen.”65 Nisbet, Stoycheff, and Pearce, “Internet Use and Democratic Demands.”66 Chang, “Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation.”67 Cho, “Internet and Democratic Citizenship.”68 Hassan, Kendall, and Whitefield, “Media, Cultural Consumption and Support for Democracy.”69 Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”70 Ibid.71 Ibid.72 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization.”73 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness.”74 Cook and Westheimer, “Introduction”; Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”75 Ibid.76 Mann, “Twelfth Annual Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education”, 42–3.77 Webster, On the Education of Youth in America.78 Bratton et al., “The Effects of Civic Education on Political Culture.”79 Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”80 Dewey, “Democracy and Education.”81 Ibid.82 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy”; Carr, “Educators and Education for Democracy.”83 Hillygus, “The MISSING LINK.”84 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy.”85 Hutchins, “Democracy and Education.”86 Nie and Hillygus, “Education and Democratic Citizenship.”87 Jewett, “Thomas Jefferson and the Purposes of Education.”88 Torney-Purta, Richardson, and Barber, “Teachers’ Educational Experience and Confidence.”89 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy.”90 Englund, “Higher Education, Democracy and Citizenship.”91 Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”92 Cantoni et al., “Curriculum and Ideology”; Testa, “Education and Propaganda”; Voigtländer and Voth, “Nazi Indoctrination and Anti-Semitic Beliefs in Germany.”93 Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”94 Dahlum and Wig, “Educating Demonstrators.”95 Dahlum and Wig, “Chaos on Campus.”96 Barberá, “Social Media, Echo Chambers, and Political Polarization”; Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness”; Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”97 Gainous, Wagner, and Ziegler, “Digital Media and Political Opposition”; Reuter and Szakonyi, “Online Social Media and Political Awareness”; Placek, “Learning Democracy Digitally?”98 Edelstein, “Education for Democracy”; Englund, “Higher Education, Democracy and Citizenship”; Torney-Purta, Richardson, and Barber, “Teachers’ Educational Experience and Confidence.”99 Cook and Westheimer, “Introduction”; Glaeser, Ponzetto, and Shleifer, “Why Does Democracy Need Education?”; Placek, “Democracy.”100 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”101 Haw, “What Drives Political News Engagement in Digital Spaces?”102 Mattes and Luescher-Mamashela, “The Roles of Higher Education in the Democratization.”103 Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”104 Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”105 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News.”106 Haw, “What Drives Political News Engagement in Digital Spaces?”107 Ibid.108 Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls.”109 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”110 Marshall and Curr, “Polity5”111 In addition, the “Don’t know” answer takes a small percentage of total responses, which would not significantly affect our outcome. The percentages of “Don’t know” answers are 2.6% for procedural democracy and 4.5% for liberal democracy.112 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”113 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”114 Przeworski, “Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defence”; Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy.”115 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”116 Ibid.117 One interesting finding from these descriptive statistics is that the average understanding of liberal democracy is higher in non-democracies than democracies. Although our research does not aim to find the reason for this interesting difference, one may suspect that relatively weak protection of civil rights in non-democracies makes citizens perceive its importance more critically than citizens in democracies. Particularly, citizens in competitive authoritarian regimes with elections, coded as non-democracy in our study, may have realized that procedural democracy without protected civil rights does not offer them the true benefit of democracy.118 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”119 Wike et al., “Globally, Broad Support for Representative and Direct Democracy.”120 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”121 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Dataset V9.”122 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Codebook V9”, 186.123 Cantoni et al., “Curriculum and Ideology”; Testa, “Education and Propaganda”; Voigtländer and Voth, “Nazi Indoctrination and Anti-Semitic Beliefs in Germany.”124 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”125 Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”126 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Survey: Round Seven – Country-Pooled Datafile.”127 Ibid.128 Ibid.129 Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies”; Huang, “Propaganda as Signaling.”130 Dalton, Sin, and Jou, “Understanding Democracy”; Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy; Quaranta, “Meaning of Democracy.”131 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”132 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”Additional informationNotes on contributorsLeeann H. YounLeeann H. Youn is an Adjunct Assistant Professor in the World Languages and Cultures at University of Maryland Global Campus. Her research interests include Comparative Politics (democratization, party, campaign, and election) and Public Policy (policy making and implementation), and Asian politics.Haruka NagaoHaruka Nagao is an Assistant Professor in the Political Science Department at Oklahoma State University. Her/their research focuses on Chinese politics, health politics, gender and politics.William HatungimanaWilliam Hatungimana is a Visiting Assistant Professor at Oklahoma State University. His specialization is in Comparative Politics and International Relations (IR). His research interests include Migration and Immigration Politics, China Politics, and African Politics.Rigao LiuRigao Liu is a Ph.D. candidate studying Comparative Politics and International Relations from the Department of Political Science at the University of Kansas (KU). He is also a Graduate Researcher of KU Trade War Lab. His research explores on public opinion, social development, and political economy in China.
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来源期刊
Democratization
Democratization POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
6.40
自引率
12.50%
发文量
73
期刊介绍: Democratization aims to promote a better understanding of democratization - defined as the way democratic norms, institutions and practices evolve and are disseminated both within and across national and cultural boundaries. While the focus is on democratization viewed as a process, the journal also builds on the enduring interest in democracy itself and its analysis. The emphasis is contemporary and the approach comparative, with the publication of scholarly contributions about those areas where democratization is currently attracting considerable attention world-wide.
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