我们站在一起?南欧LGBTQIA*组织在线互动的演变

IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION
Aurora Perego, Katia Pilati
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They also suggest that political threats moderate the relationship between organizational identities and cross-field ties.KEYWORDS: LGBTQIA*digital interactionsFacebooksocial network analysiscross-field networkingcivil society organizations Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2023.2259371Notes1. Scholars have addressed lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, asexual, and other (LGBTQIA*) issues and identities in diverse ways. To the purpose of this article, we use the acronym “LGBTQIA*” to refer to people and communities marginalized because of sexual orientations and/or gender identities that deviate from cis-heteronormative frameworks.2. Building on Di Maggio and Powell (Citation1983) and Melucci (Citation1989), collective action fields are understood as localized relational arenas shaped by actors’ reciprocal recognition in which organizations act on a recognized area of social life, and in which the mechanisms for the emergence of collective actions are defined (Crossley & Diani, Citation2019; Diani & Pilati, Citation2011).3. To the purpose of this research, all organizations identifying as L/G/B/T/Q/I/A/* are considered part of the LGBTQIA* collective action field since they share experiences of discrimination due to the cis-heteronormative matrix (Butler, Citation2013) that permeates societal structures and institutions. This does not hinder, however, the fact that individuals within the LGBTQIA* spectrum are positioned at different levels of privilege and marginalization, since the cis-heteronormative matrix particularly affects transgender, intersex, and non-binary individuals (Weeks, Citation2015).4. Scholars have also provided evidence of the potential risks posed by digital communication platforms which, due to their by default public structure and high connectivity, may expose LGBTQIA* subjects and make them targets of hate speech and physical violence, especially in countries where LGBTQIA* communities are criminalized (Birdal, Citation2020; Wijaya, Citation2022).5. By focusing on these two cities, the shifting contextual opportunities examined in this study are to be considered within the framework of the European Union (Ayoub, Citation2016; Lombardo & Del Giorgio, Citation2013). What we consider as rather “open” or “closed” contexts are hence not comparable with contexts in which LGBTQIA* individuals are profoundly discriminated against or criminalized, as in non-democratic contexts (Bosia et al., Citation2020). While this geographical focus does not allow us to generalize our findings to LGBTQIA* organizations located in other regions of the world, it helps us explore the evolution of LGBTQIA* digital activisms in Southern Europe.6. Since 2009, ILGA Europe calculates the Rainbow Europe Index, gathering information on national legislations on LGBTQIA* policies. The index currently ranks 49 European countries on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 stands for dramatic violations of human rights and 100 for full equality: https://www.rainbow-europe.org/ [Last accessed 11.10.2022].7. Following the political opportunity structures approach (Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, & Giugni, Citation1992), this article uses the term “open” to refer to contexts in which collective actors have access to the public sphere. However, this term is problematic when considering LGBTQIA* individuals, since societies and institutions are not devoid of gender stereotypes, discrimination, and marginalization of non-heterosexual and/or non-cisgender individuals (Butler, Citation2013).8. Differently from other studies (Baldassarri & Diani, Citation2007; Diani, Citation2015), this research also includes profit organizations, provided that their main activities encompass service provision, cultural awareness, and/or political initiatives. The decision not to exclude these organizations is based on previous empirical evidence, since many US LGBTQIA* commercial organizations (such as newspapers and bookstores) have been found to engage in identity and solidarity building, as well as collective actions, as much as nonprofit organizations (Armstrong, Citation2002).9. CrowdTangle (Citation2020) is a public insights tool owned and operated by Facebook that allows researchers to retrieve all the Facebook posts published by a list of public pages during a specific timeframe. More information on the tool can be found at: https://www.crowdtangle.com/ [Last accessed 09/12/2022].10. Since the number of initial seeds in Milan and Madrid (N = 7 in both cities) was too limited to provide explanatory power to our analysis, we did not include the results of the year 2011.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAurora PeregoAurora Perego is a Ph.D. student in Sociology and Social Research at Trento University (Italy). She holds a Research Master’s degree in Gender and Ethnicity from Utrecht University (the Netherlands) and a Bachelor’s degree in Peace Studies, International Cooperation, and Development from the University of Pisa (Italy). Aurora’s RMA thesis examined the legal status of LGBTIQ* asylum seekers in Spain and was awarded the 2018 Best Research Master’s Thesis Prize of the Humanities at Utrecht University. Her Ph.D. project investigates how LGBTQIA* civil society organizations interact in the online sphere. Her research interests broadly concern digital activism and social movement alliances, with particular attention to gender and intersectionality.Katia PilatiKatia Pilati is Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology and Social Research (DSRS) at the University of Trento, Italy. Prior to working at DSRS, she was a Marie Curie postdoctoral fellow at the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva, and a FRS-FNRS postdoctoral fellow at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. Her research interests include social and labor movements, civic and political participation, immigration. Her work has appeared in various journals including Acta Sociologica, European Journal of Political Research, Mobilization, Social Movement Studies, West European Politics. She is the author of three books (Armando 2010; Palgrave Macmillan 2016; Il Mulino 2018).","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Together we stand? The evolution of online interactions by Southern European LGBTQIA* organizations\",\"authors\":\"Aurora Perego, Katia Pilati\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/19331681.2023.2259371\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTEuropean LGBTQIA* organizations have often been perceived as isolated from other organizations. While investigations have suggested that social media platforms foster inter-organizational ties, their role in promoting or dampening within- and cross-field interactions is understudied. This article aims to fill this gap by examining the factors shaping within- and cross-field digital interactions established by LGBTQIA* organizations located in Milan and Madrid. It analyzes the networks resulting from LGBTQIA* organizations mentioning, sharing, and promoting events on Facebook between 2011 and 2020. Results show that Madrid- and Milan-based LGBTQIA* organizations increasingly engage in cross-field interactions on social media, becoming crucial bridging actors with organizations from other fields. They also suggest that political threats moderate the relationship between organizational identities and cross-field ties.KEYWORDS: LGBTQIA*digital interactionsFacebooksocial network analysiscross-field networkingcivil society organizations Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2023.2259371Notes1. Scholars have addressed lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, asexual, and other (LGBTQIA*) issues and identities in diverse ways. To the purpose of this article, we use the acronym “LGBTQIA*” to refer to people and communities marginalized because of sexual orientations and/or gender identities that deviate from cis-heteronormative frameworks.2. Building on Di Maggio and Powell (Citation1983) and Melucci (Citation1989), collective action fields are understood as localized relational arenas shaped by actors’ reciprocal recognition in which organizations act on a recognized area of social life, and in which the mechanisms for the emergence of collective actions are defined (Crossley & Diani, Citation2019; Diani & Pilati, Citation2011).3. To the purpose of this research, all organizations identifying as L/G/B/T/Q/I/A/* are considered part of the LGBTQIA* collective action field since they share experiences of discrimination due to the cis-heteronormative matrix (Butler, Citation2013) that permeates societal structures and institutions. This does not hinder, however, the fact that individuals within the LGBTQIA* spectrum are positioned at different levels of privilege and marginalization, since the cis-heteronormative matrix particularly affects transgender, intersex, and non-binary individuals (Weeks, Citation2015).4. Scholars have also provided evidence of the potential risks posed by digital communication platforms which, due to their by default public structure and high connectivity, may expose LGBTQIA* subjects and make them targets of hate speech and physical violence, especially in countries where LGBTQIA* communities are criminalized (Birdal, Citation2020; Wijaya, Citation2022).5. By focusing on these two cities, the shifting contextual opportunities examined in this study are to be considered within the framework of the European Union (Ayoub, Citation2016; Lombardo & Del Giorgio, Citation2013). What we consider as rather “open” or “closed” contexts are hence not comparable with contexts in which LGBTQIA* individuals are profoundly discriminated against or criminalized, as in non-democratic contexts (Bosia et al., Citation2020). 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However, this term is problematic when considering LGBTQIA* individuals, since societies and institutions are not devoid of gender stereotypes, discrimination, and marginalization of non-heterosexual and/or non-cisgender individuals (Butler, Citation2013).8. Differently from other studies (Baldassarri & Diani, Citation2007; Diani, Citation2015), this research also includes profit organizations, provided that their main activities encompass service provision, cultural awareness, and/or political initiatives. The decision not to exclude these organizations is based on previous empirical evidence, since many US LGBTQIA* commercial organizations (such as newspapers and bookstores) have been found to engage in identity and solidarity building, as well as collective actions, as much as nonprofit organizations (Armstrong, Citation2002).9. CrowdTangle (Citation2020) is a public insights tool owned and operated by Facebook that allows researchers to retrieve all the Facebook posts published by a list of public pages during a specific timeframe. More information on the tool can be found at: https://www.crowdtangle.com/ [Last accessed 09/12/2022].10. Since the number of initial seeds in Milan and Madrid (N = 7 in both cities) was too limited to provide explanatory power to our analysis, we did not include the results of the year 2011.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAurora PeregoAurora Perego is a Ph.D. student in Sociology and Social Research at Trento University (Italy). She holds a Research Master’s degree in Gender and Ethnicity from Utrecht University (the Netherlands) and a Bachelor’s degree in Peace Studies, International Cooperation, and Development from the University of Pisa (Italy). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

不排除这些组织的决定是基于先前的经验证据,因为许多美国LGBTQIA*商业组织(如报纸和书店)被发现参与身份和团结建设,以及集体行动,就像非营利组织一样(Armstrong, Citation2002)。CrowdTangle (Citation2020)是一个由Facebook拥有和运营的公共洞察工具,它允许研究人员检索在特定时间段内由公共页面列表发布的所有Facebook帖子。有关该工具的更多信息,请访问:https://www.crowdtangle.com/[最后访问日期:09/12/2022]。由于米兰和马德里的初始种子数量(两个城市的N = 7)过于有限,无法为我们的分析提供解释力,因此我们没有包括2011年的结果。作者简介:aurora Perego是意大利特伦托大学社会学和社会研究专业的博士生。她拥有荷兰乌得勒支大学(Utrecht University)性别与种族研究硕士学位和意大利比萨大学(University of Pisa)和平研究、国际合作与发展学士学位。奥罗拉的军事革命论文研究了西班牙LGBTIQ*寻求庇护者的法律地位,并获得了2018年乌得勒支大学人文学科最佳研究硕士论文奖。她的博士项目研究LGBTQIA*民间社会组织如何在网络领域互动。她的研究兴趣广泛涉及数字行动主义和社会运动联盟,特别关注性别和交叉性。卡蒂亚·皮拉蒂,意大利特伦托大学社会与社会研究系副教授。在DSRS工作之前,她是日内瓦大学政治学系的居里夫人博士后,以及布鲁塞尔自由大学的FRS-FNRS博士后。她的研究兴趣包括社会和劳工运动,公民和政治参与,移民。她的作品发表在各种期刊上,包括《社会学报》、《欧洲政治研究杂志》、《动员》、《社会运动研究》、《西欧政治》。她是三本书的作者(阿曼多2010;Palgrave Macmillan 2016;Il Mulino 2018)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Together we stand? The evolution of online interactions by Southern European LGBTQIA* organizations
ABSTRACTEuropean LGBTQIA* organizations have often been perceived as isolated from other organizations. While investigations have suggested that social media platforms foster inter-organizational ties, their role in promoting or dampening within- and cross-field interactions is understudied. This article aims to fill this gap by examining the factors shaping within- and cross-field digital interactions established by LGBTQIA* organizations located in Milan and Madrid. It analyzes the networks resulting from LGBTQIA* organizations mentioning, sharing, and promoting events on Facebook between 2011 and 2020. Results show that Madrid- and Milan-based LGBTQIA* organizations increasingly engage in cross-field interactions on social media, becoming crucial bridging actors with organizations from other fields. They also suggest that political threats moderate the relationship between organizational identities and cross-field ties.KEYWORDS: LGBTQIA*digital interactionsFacebooksocial network analysiscross-field networkingcivil society organizations Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2023.2259371Notes1. Scholars have addressed lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, asexual, and other (LGBTQIA*) issues and identities in diverse ways. To the purpose of this article, we use the acronym “LGBTQIA*” to refer to people and communities marginalized because of sexual orientations and/or gender identities that deviate from cis-heteronormative frameworks.2. Building on Di Maggio and Powell (Citation1983) and Melucci (Citation1989), collective action fields are understood as localized relational arenas shaped by actors’ reciprocal recognition in which organizations act on a recognized area of social life, and in which the mechanisms for the emergence of collective actions are defined (Crossley & Diani, Citation2019; Diani & Pilati, Citation2011).3. To the purpose of this research, all organizations identifying as L/G/B/T/Q/I/A/* are considered part of the LGBTQIA* collective action field since they share experiences of discrimination due to the cis-heteronormative matrix (Butler, Citation2013) that permeates societal structures and institutions. This does not hinder, however, the fact that individuals within the LGBTQIA* spectrum are positioned at different levels of privilege and marginalization, since the cis-heteronormative matrix particularly affects transgender, intersex, and non-binary individuals (Weeks, Citation2015).4. Scholars have also provided evidence of the potential risks posed by digital communication platforms which, due to their by default public structure and high connectivity, may expose LGBTQIA* subjects and make them targets of hate speech and physical violence, especially in countries where LGBTQIA* communities are criminalized (Birdal, Citation2020; Wijaya, Citation2022).5. By focusing on these two cities, the shifting contextual opportunities examined in this study are to be considered within the framework of the European Union (Ayoub, Citation2016; Lombardo & Del Giorgio, Citation2013). What we consider as rather “open” or “closed” contexts are hence not comparable with contexts in which LGBTQIA* individuals are profoundly discriminated against or criminalized, as in non-democratic contexts (Bosia et al., Citation2020). While this geographical focus does not allow us to generalize our findings to LGBTQIA* organizations located in other regions of the world, it helps us explore the evolution of LGBTQIA* digital activisms in Southern Europe.6. Since 2009, ILGA Europe calculates the Rainbow Europe Index, gathering information on national legislations on LGBTQIA* policies. The index currently ranks 49 European countries on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 stands for dramatic violations of human rights and 100 for full equality: https://www.rainbow-europe.org/ [Last accessed 11.10.2022].7. Following the political opportunity structures approach (Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, & Giugni, Citation1992), this article uses the term “open” to refer to contexts in which collective actors have access to the public sphere. However, this term is problematic when considering LGBTQIA* individuals, since societies and institutions are not devoid of gender stereotypes, discrimination, and marginalization of non-heterosexual and/or non-cisgender individuals (Butler, Citation2013).8. Differently from other studies (Baldassarri & Diani, Citation2007; Diani, Citation2015), this research also includes profit organizations, provided that their main activities encompass service provision, cultural awareness, and/or political initiatives. The decision not to exclude these organizations is based on previous empirical evidence, since many US LGBTQIA* commercial organizations (such as newspapers and bookstores) have been found to engage in identity and solidarity building, as well as collective actions, as much as nonprofit organizations (Armstrong, Citation2002).9. CrowdTangle (Citation2020) is a public insights tool owned and operated by Facebook that allows researchers to retrieve all the Facebook posts published by a list of public pages during a specific timeframe. More information on the tool can be found at: https://www.crowdtangle.com/ [Last accessed 09/12/2022].10. Since the number of initial seeds in Milan and Madrid (N = 7 in both cities) was too limited to provide explanatory power to our analysis, we did not include the results of the year 2011.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAurora PeregoAurora Perego is a Ph.D. student in Sociology and Social Research at Trento University (Italy). She holds a Research Master’s degree in Gender and Ethnicity from Utrecht University (the Netherlands) and a Bachelor’s degree in Peace Studies, International Cooperation, and Development from the University of Pisa (Italy). Aurora’s RMA thesis examined the legal status of LGBTIQ* asylum seekers in Spain and was awarded the 2018 Best Research Master’s Thesis Prize of the Humanities at Utrecht University. Her Ph.D. project investigates how LGBTQIA* civil society organizations interact in the online sphere. Her research interests broadly concern digital activism and social movement alliances, with particular attention to gender and intersectionality.Katia PilatiKatia Pilati is Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology and Social Research (DSRS) at the University of Trento, Italy. Prior to working at DSRS, she was a Marie Curie postdoctoral fellow at the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva, and a FRS-FNRS postdoctoral fellow at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. Her research interests include social and labor movements, civic and political participation, immigration. Her work has appeared in various journals including Acta Sociologica, European Journal of Political Research, Mobilization, Social Movement Studies, West European Politics. She is the author of three books (Armando 2010; Palgrave Macmillan 2016; Il Mulino 2018).
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