{"title":"待定所有权8860","authors":"William W Kruger","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8860","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a novel account of the distribution of the null complementizer (C) in English, arguing that the licensing of null C is a case of prosodically conditioned allomorphy (Carstairs 1988, 1990; Paster 2006; Inkelas 2014). The account expands on prior proposals (Bošković & Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b), observing that environments which prohibit null C all show an obligatory Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary preceding C. In contrast, an obligatory IP boundary does not appear in environments which allow null C. I argue that null C is an allomorph associated with a specific prosodic environment: “medial” position within IP, (…C…). Overt C, on the other hand can appear in “initial” position within IP, (C…). This synchronic account is supported by a diachronic account, tracing how null C arose from phonologically weak overt forms of C (/ðæt/ → /(ð)æt/, /(ð)ət/, /-t/ → Ø). Crucially, the distribution of these weak forms is itself prosodically conditioned by principles which allow phonological weakening in medial prosodic positions but prevent weakening in initial position, a result of “domain-initial strengthening” (Pierrehumbert & Talkin 1992; Fougeron & Keating 1997; Beckman 1998; Keating et al. 2004; White & Turk 2010).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"169 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Title Pending 8860\",\"authors\":\"William W Kruger\",\"doi\":\"10.16995/glossa.8860\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"This paper presents a novel account of the distribution of the null complementizer (C) in English, arguing that the licensing of null C is a case of prosodically conditioned allomorphy (Carstairs 1988, 1990; Paster 2006; Inkelas 2014). The account expands on prior proposals (Bošković & Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b), observing that environments which prohibit null C all show an obligatory Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary preceding C. In contrast, an obligatory IP boundary does not appear in environments which allow null C. I argue that null C is an allomorph associated with a specific prosodic environment: “medial” position within IP, (…C…). Overt C, on the other hand can appear in “initial” position within IP, (C…). This synchronic account is supported by a diachronic account, tracing how null C arose from phonologically weak overt forms of C (/ðæt/ → /(ð)æt/, /(ð)ət/, /-t/ → Ø). Crucially, the distribution of these weak forms is itself prosodically conditioned by principles which allow phonological weakening in medial prosodic positions but prevent weakening in initial position, a result of “domain-initial strengthening” (Pierrehumbert & Talkin 1992; Fougeron & Keating 1997; Beckman 1998; Keating et al. 2004; White & Turk 2010).\",\"PeriodicalId\":46319,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics\",\"volume\":\"169 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.9000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-16\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8860\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"文学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8860","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
本文提出了一种关于英语中零补语(C)分布的新解释,认为零补语C的许可是韵律条件异态的一种情况(Carstairs 1988,1990;帕斯特2006;Inkelas 2014)。该帐户扩展了先前的建议(Bošković &Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b),观察到禁止null C的环境都在C之前显示强制性的语调短语(IP)边界。相反,在允许null C的环境中不会出现强制性的IP边界。我认为null C是与特定韵律环境相关的异形:IP内的“中间”位置,(…C…)。另一方面,显性C可以出现在IP内的“初始”位置,(C…)。这种共时性解释得到了历时性解释的支持,追溯了C是如何从语音上弱的显性形式C (/ðæt/→/(ð)æt/, /(ð)æt/, /-t/→Ø)中产生的。至关重要的是,这些弱形式的分布本身是由韵律原则决定的,这些原则允许中间韵律位置的语音弱化,但防止初始位置的弱化,这是“域初始强化”的结果(Pierrehumbert &在1992年;Fougeron和事务所;音箱;基廷1997;贝克曼1998;Keating et al. 2004;白色,amp;2010年土耳其人)。
This paper presents a novel account of the distribution of the null complementizer (C) in English, arguing that the licensing of null C is a case of prosodically conditioned allomorphy (Carstairs 1988, 1990; Paster 2006; Inkelas 2014). The account expands on prior proposals (Bošković & Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b), observing that environments which prohibit null C all show an obligatory Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary preceding C. In contrast, an obligatory IP boundary does not appear in environments which allow null C. I argue that null C is an allomorph associated with a specific prosodic environment: “medial” position within IP, (…C…). Overt C, on the other hand can appear in “initial” position within IP, (C…). This synchronic account is supported by a diachronic account, tracing how null C arose from phonologically weak overt forms of C (/ðæt/ → /(ð)æt/, /(ð)ət/, /-t/ → Ø). Crucially, the distribution of these weak forms is itself prosodically conditioned by principles which allow phonological weakening in medial prosodic positions but prevent weakening in initial position, a result of “domain-initial strengthening” (Pierrehumbert & Talkin 1992; Fougeron & Keating 1997; Beckman 1998; Keating et al. 2004; White & Turk 2010).