畏缩

IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE
Thomas J. Spiegel
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The closing part offers an explanation as to why cringe and cringe comedy in particular have become recently more relevant: cringe allows one to express hostility and disgust (often at other forms of life) in a nonviolent manner which fits perfectly well within the permissible boundaries of tolerance set up in liberal Western democracies since the second half of the 20th century.KEYWORDS: Cringevicarious embarrassmentvicarious shameemotions Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. While shame and embarrassment are sometimes treated as different phenomena, the current focus on cringe (Fremdscham) allows us to gloss over these differences.2. For the changing semantics of ‘cringe’ in the age of social media, cf. Gomez-Mejia (Citation2020, 317ff.).3. Hacker (Citation2017) further speaks of ‘other-directed shame’ which seemingly picks out a different kind of shame, i.e. not what is described here as cringe, but a kind where one feels due to the actions of others, not instead of others.4. Paulus et al. (Citation2013) – likely due to their background in psychology – use the term ‘empathetic’ (rather than ‘sympathetic’) here, but this terminology is contentious insofar as empathy is often regarded in philosophy as a capacity of discernment of emotions in others (e.g. Edith Stein’s original sense of Einfühlung). Empathy then does not necessarily sharing an emotion with someone (psychologists Nadler, Dvash, and Shamay-Tsoory Citation2015 commit the same terminological mix-up). Hence, what these authors have in mind is better described as ‘sympathetic’.5. In this way cringe (vicarious embarrassment) is different from vicarious anger. In vicarious anger, I am really just angry on behalf of someone else.6. Cf. also Montes Sánchez and Salice (Citation2017) who offer an exhaustive argument as to why Fremdscham is to be delineated from shame simpliciter.7. In an excellent paper, Mayer et al. (Citation2021) are the only ones to consider the role of laughter in cringing. They suggest that laughter likely only occurs in cringing at someone if the cringer is not strongly committed to the social norms being broken. While this may sometimes be the case, I would contend that the point of cringing and cringe comedy often is that one is supposed to laugh at something even if someone finds the norm violation in question offensive; and whether or not the cringer can get over their initial knee-jerk reaction is a sign of character and sense of humour.8. Some may hold that social hostility is not a sufficient criterion to demarcate cringe from shame or embarrassment. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for bringing this point to my attention.9. The only other publication putting cringing closer to horror is Hye-Knudsen (Citation2018, 14ff.).10. I am indebted to Lambert Wiesing for pointing me into this direction. The following remarks are not meant to imply that cringing did not exist or was never relevant before the 20th century. I am merely suggesting that cringing as an emotion is growing in relevance because of these relatively newly developing social structures that are increasingly disallowing physical violence in virtually any social situation. In addition, it may be controversial to some to suggest that forms of life have proliferated since, say, the second half of the 20th century. This is due to factors like urbanization, the global triumph of Hollywood, or the death of different languages or even Fukuyama’s so-called ‘End of History’. These are processes that suggest global homogenization rather than stratification. 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The closing part offers an explanation as to why cringe and cringe comedy in particular have become recently more relevant: cringe allows one to express hostility and disgust (often at other forms of life) in a nonviolent manner which fits perfectly well within the permissible boundaries of tolerance set up in liberal Western democracies since the second half of the 20th century.KEYWORDS: Cringevicarious embarrassmentvicarious shameemotions Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. While shame and embarrassment are sometimes treated as different phenomena, the current focus on cringe (Fremdscham) allows us to gloss over these differences.2. For the changing semantics of ‘cringe’ in the age of social media, cf. Gomez-Mejia (Citation2020, 317ff.).3. Hacker (Citation2017) further speaks of ‘other-directed shame’ which seemingly picks out a different kind of shame, i.e. not what is described here as cringe, but a kind where one feels due to the actions of others, not instead of others.4. Paulus et al. (Citation2013) – likely due to their background in psychology – use the term ‘empathetic’ (rather than ‘sympathetic’) here, but this terminology is contentious insofar as empathy is often regarded in philosophy as a capacity of discernment of emotions in others (e.g. Edith Stein’s original sense of Einfühlung). Empathy then does not necessarily sharing an emotion with someone (psychologists Nadler, Dvash, and Shamay-Tsoory Citation2015 commit the same terminological mix-up). Hence, what these authors have in mind is better described as ‘sympathetic’.5. In this way cringe (vicarious embarrassment) is different from vicarious anger. In vicarious anger, I am really just angry on behalf of someone else.6. Cf. also Montes Sánchez and Salice (Citation2017) who offer an exhaustive argument as to why Fremdscham is to be delineated from shame simpliciter.7. In an excellent paper, Mayer et al. (Citation2021) are the only ones to consider the role of laughter in cringing. They suggest that laughter likely only occurs in cringing at someone if the cringer is not strongly committed to the social norms being broken. While this may sometimes be the case, I would contend that the point of cringing and cringe comedy often is that one is supposed to laugh at something even if someone finds the norm violation in question offensive; and whether or not the cringer can get over their initial knee-jerk reaction is a sign of character and sense of humour.8. Some may hold that social hostility is not a sufficient criterion to demarcate cringe from shame or embarrassment. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for bringing this point to my attention.9. 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It is indeed difficult to conclusively, empirically settle whether, globally speaking, forms of life have been proliferating or declining given such developments, particularly taking into consideration the parallel population explosion over the last hundred years. Hence, the suggestion here about the stratification of forms of life here is restricted to liberal Western democracies since the second half of the 20th century. In this restricted context, we can consider enormous social changes begetting and stemming from the stratification of forms of life. Normalization of non-heterosexuality, loosening the grip of sexual morality in general, the acceptance of neurodiversity, the de-medicalization and de-pathologization of many conditions, the prevalence of hormonal birth control, the rise of feminism, the softening of gender norms, democratization of higher education or intensifying migration from the global south have all catalyzed the development of ‘alternative’ forms of life. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for bringing this general problematic to my attention.11. The psychologists Mayer et al. (Citation2021, 5) seem to share a similar idea when they state that cringe comedy presupposes that the audience and (some of the) protagonists share the same ‘normative framework’.12. There can, however, be questionable forms of cringe. While not properly part of cringe comedy, the simultaneous rise of reality TV formats that deserve the moniker ‘Trash TV’ also utilize cringe as a form of entertainment to keep engagement high. Examples of such Trash TV are Jersey Shore, Temptation Island or Wife Swap. Shows of this ilk aim to evoke a highly concentrated feeling of cringe in the audience that is overly hostile in a manner that rarely obtains in real life. This form of cringe is often pernicious, especially in cases where the cringees are socially disenfranchised, struggling members of society. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要羞耻和尴尬在哲学和心理学上受到了极大的关注,而畏缩(有时也被称为“替代性尴尬”和“替代性羞耻”)却很少受到关注。这是令人惊讶的,因为自21世纪初以来,相对较新的尴尬喜剧类型迅速崛起。在本文中,我的目标是提供一种新的特征,将畏缩作为一种敌对的社会情绪,结果证明它更接近于厌恶和恐惧,而不是羞耻或尴尬,从而揭示“替代羞耻”和“替代尴尬”是用词不当。结尾处解释了为什么畏缩,尤其是畏缩喜剧最近变得更有意义:畏缩允许一个人以非暴力的方式表达敌意和厌恶(通常是对其他形式的生活),这完全符合自20世纪下半叶以来自由西方民主国家所允许的宽容界限。关键词:尴尬尴尬羞愧情绪披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。虽然羞耻和尴尬有时被视为不同的现象,但目前对畏缩(fredscham)的关注使我们能够掩盖这些差异。关于社交媒体时代“cringe”语义的变化,参见Gomez-Mejia (Citation2020, 317ff.)。Hacker (Citation2017)进一步谈到了“他人导向的羞耻”,它似乎选择了一种不同的羞耻,即不是这里所描述的畏缩,而是一种由于他人的行为而感到的羞耻,而不是代替他人。Paulus等人(Citation2013)——可能是由于他们的心理学背景——在这里使用了“共情”一词(而不是“同情”),但这个术语是有争议的,因为在哲学中,共情通常被认为是一种识别他人情绪的能力(例如Edith Stein最初的einfhlung)。同理心并不一定与他人分享情感(心理学家Nadler、Dvash和Shamay-Tsoory Citation2015也犯了同样的术语混淆)。因此,这些作者的想法被更好地描述为“同情”。这样看来,畏缩(替代的尴尬)和替代的愤怒是不同的。在代怒中,我实际上只是代表别人生气。参见Montes Sánchez和Salice (Citation2017),他们提供了一个详尽的论点,说明为什么fredscham要从羞耻感中区分出来。在一篇优秀的论文中,Mayer等人(Citation2021)是唯一考虑笑声在畏缩中的作用的人。他们认为,笑可能只会发生在对某人卑躬屈膝时,如果卑躬屈膝者没有强烈地致力于打破社会规范。虽然有时可能是这种情况,但我认为,畏缩和畏缩喜剧的重点往往是,人们应该嘲笑某些东西,即使有人觉得违反规范的行为令人反感;畏缩者能否克服他们最初的下意识反应是性格和幽默感的标志。有些人可能认为,社会敌意不足以作为区分畏缩与羞耻或尴尬的标准。感谢一位匿名推荐人提醒我注意这一点。另外唯一一份更接近恐怖的出版物是《海-克努森》(citation, 2018, 14页)。我要感谢兰伯特·维辛为我指明了这个方向。下面的评论并不意味着在20世纪之前不存在或从来没有相关的畏缩。我只是想说,畏缩作为一种情感的相关性正在增长,因为这些相对较新的社会结构越来越不允许在任何社会场合使用身体暴力。此外,对一些人来说,认为自20世纪下半叶以来,生命形式已经激增的说法可能会引起争议。这是由于城市化、好莱坞的全球胜利、不同语言的消亡,甚至是福山所谓的“历史的终结”等因素造成的。这些过程表明全球均质化而不是分层。考虑到这样的发展,从全球范围来看,生命形式是在增加还是在减少,特别是考虑到过去一百年来人口的爆炸式增长,确实很难得出结论。因此,自20世纪下半叶以来,这里关于生活形式分层的建议仅限于自由西方民主国家。在这种有限的背景下,我们可以考虑产生和源于生活形式分层的巨大社会变化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Cringe
ABSTRACTWhile shame and embarrassment have received significant attention in philosophy and psychology, cringe (also sometimes called ‘vicarious embarrassment’ and ‘vicarious shame’) has received little thought. This is surprising as the relatively new genre of cringe comedy has seen a meteoric rise since the early 2000s. In this paper, I aim to offer a novel characterization of cringe as a hostile social emotion which turns out to be closer to disgust and horror than to shame or embarrassment, thus disclosing ‘vicarious shame’ and ‘vicarious embarrassment’ to be misnomers. The closing part offers an explanation as to why cringe and cringe comedy in particular have become recently more relevant: cringe allows one to express hostility and disgust (often at other forms of life) in a nonviolent manner which fits perfectly well within the permissible boundaries of tolerance set up in liberal Western democracies since the second half of the 20th century.KEYWORDS: Cringevicarious embarrassmentvicarious shameemotions Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. While shame and embarrassment are sometimes treated as different phenomena, the current focus on cringe (Fremdscham) allows us to gloss over these differences.2. For the changing semantics of ‘cringe’ in the age of social media, cf. Gomez-Mejia (Citation2020, 317ff.).3. Hacker (Citation2017) further speaks of ‘other-directed shame’ which seemingly picks out a different kind of shame, i.e. not what is described here as cringe, but a kind where one feels due to the actions of others, not instead of others.4. Paulus et al. (Citation2013) – likely due to their background in psychology – use the term ‘empathetic’ (rather than ‘sympathetic’) here, but this terminology is contentious insofar as empathy is often regarded in philosophy as a capacity of discernment of emotions in others (e.g. Edith Stein’s original sense of Einfühlung). Empathy then does not necessarily sharing an emotion with someone (psychologists Nadler, Dvash, and Shamay-Tsoory Citation2015 commit the same terminological mix-up). Hence, what these authors have in mind is better described as ‘sympathetic’.5. In this way cringe (vicarious embarrassment) is different from vicarious anger. In vicarious anger, I am really just angry on behalf of someone else.6. Cf. also Montes Sánchez and Salice (Citation2017) who offer an exhaustive argument as to why Fremdscham is to be delineated from shame simpliciter.7. In an excellent paper, Mayer et al. (Citation2021) are the only ones to consider the role of laughter in cringing. They suggest that laughter likely only occurs in cringing at someone if the cringer is not strongly committed to the social norms being broken. While this may sometimes be the case, I would contend that the point of cringing and cringe comedy often is that one is supposed to laugh at something even if someone finds the norm violation in question offensive; and whether or not the cringer can get over their initial knee-jerk reaction is a sign of character and sense of humour.8. Some may hold that social hostility is not a sufficient criterion to demarcate cringe from shame or embarrassment. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for bringing this point to my attention.9. The only other publication putting cringing closer to horror is Hye-Knudsen (Citation2018, 14ff.).10. I am indebted to Lambert Wiesing for pointing me into this direction. The following remarks are not meant to imply that cringing did not exist or was never relevant before the 20th century. I am merely suggesting that cringing as an emotion is growing in relevance because of these relatively newly developing social structures that are increasingly disallowing physical violence in virtually any social situation. In addition, it may be controversial to some to suggest that forms of life have proliferated since, say, the second half of the 20th century. This is due to factors like urbanization, the global triumph of Hollywood, or the death of different languages or even Fukuyama’s so-called ‘End of History’. These are processes that suggest global homogenization rather than stratification. It is indeed difficult to conclusively, empirically settle whether, globally speaking, forms of life have been proliferating or declining given such developments, particularly taking into consideration the parallel population explosion over the last hundred years. Hence, the suggestion here about the stratification of forms of life here is restricted to liberal Western democracies since the second half of the 20th century. In this restricted context, we can consider enormous social changes begetting and stemming from the stratification of forms of life. Normalization of non-heterosexuality, loosening the grip of sexual morality in general, the acceptance of neurodiversity, the de-medicalization and de-pathologization of many conditions, the prevalence of hormonal birth control, the rise of feminism, the softening of gender norms, democratization of higher education or intensifying migration from the global south have all catalyzed the development of ‘alternative’ forms of life. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for bringing this general problematic to my attention.11. The psychologists Mayer et al. (Citation2021, 5) seem to share a similar idea when they state that cringe comedy presupposes that the audience and (some of the) protagonists share the same ‘normative framework’.12. There can, however, be questionable forms of cringe. While not properly part of cringe comedy, the simultaneous rise of reality TV formats that deserve the moniker ‘Trash TV’ also utilize cringe as a form of entertainment to keep engagement high. Examples of such Trash TV are Jersey Shore, Temptation Island or Wife Swap. Shows of this ilk aim to evoke a highly concentrated feeling of cringe in the audience that is overly hostile in a manner that rarely obtains in real life. This form of cringe is often pernicious, especially in cases where the cringees are socially disenfranchised, struggling members of society. In such cases, the effect of social distinction of cringe is ‘weaponized’ to further entrench and evoke classism.Additional informationNotes on contributorsThomas J. SpiegelThomas J. Spiegel is Humboldt & JSPS postdoctoral fellow at Waseda University. Prior to that he was wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter at the University of Potsdam. He received his PhD in philosophy from the University of Leipzig in 2017.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.60
自引率
17.60%
发文量
60
期刊介绍: Social Epistemology provides a forum for philosophical and social scientific enquiry that incorporates the work of scholars from a variety of disciplines who share a concern with the production, assessment and validation of knowledge. The journal covers both empirical research into the origination and transmission of knowledge and normative considerations which arise as such research is implemented, serving as a guide for directing contemporary knowledge enterprises. Social Epistemology publishes "exchanges" which are the collective product of several contributors and take the form of critical syntheses, open peer commentaries interviews, applications, provocations, reviews and responses
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