富尔纳的狄奥尼修斯对《赫门尼亚绘画手册》技术部分的巴尔皮斯扩充

IF 0.8 4区 化学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY
Georgios P. Mastrotheodoros, Konstantinos G. Beltsios
{"title":"富尔纳的狄奥尼修斯对《赫门尼亚绘画手册》技术部分的巴尔皮斯扩充","authors":"Georgios P. Mastrotheodoros, Konstantinos G. Beltsios","doi":"10.1080/00393630.2023.2256626","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTPainting manuals with technical and iconographical prescriptions served the needs of Greek icon painters during the post-Byzantine period. The circa 1730 CE Hermeneia of the art of painting was compiled by the hieromonk and icon painter Dionysius and is regarded as the most comprehensive pertinent Greek text. Dionysius’ Hermeneia was widely circulating among icon painters in the form of hand-written copies, many of which survive today. Most of these Hermeneia manuscripts are near-facsimiles of the Dionysius prototype text. Yet, two copies made by Father Ioannis Balpis, a Cretan icon painter, in 1782–83 CE offer an important expansion of the technical part. Here, the authors present the first ever translation of the hitherto unpublished Balpis’ Hermeneia technical additions that offer unique new insights into the materials and techniques of post-Byzantine painting. Moreover, through the critical evaluation of the Balpis additions, it is shown that the Dionysius technical part is by no means an exhaustive account of its contemporary technical knowledge.KEYWORDS: Painting manualpost-ByzantineHermeneia revisionpigmentgilding AcknowledgmentsThe authors express their sincere thanks to Dr. Agamemnon Tselikas, head of the Historical and Paleographical Archive of the National Bank of Greece Cultural Foundation, for granting permission to publish the Samos MS, as well as to Dr. Sofia Chandaka, Dr. Panorea Gaitanou, Ms. Panorea Benatou, and Mr. Sotirios Bekiaris from the Benaki Museum, for granting permission to publish and assisting the study of the Benaki Museum manuscript. Also, special thanks are due to Dr. Varvara Papadopoulou, Deputy Director of the Ioannina Ephorate of Antiquities, for providing access to the Byzantine Museum of Ioannina collection. GM expresses his gratitude to the State Scholarships Foundation (IKY) for providing financial support for this study. Finally, tke authors extend their gratitude to the three anonymous reviewers, who, through their thoughtful and constructive comments, contributed significantly to the improvement of this work.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I.e., the period preceding the year 1453 CE, which corresponds to the seizure of Constantinople by Ottoman Turks and marks the beginning of the post-Byzantine period (1453–1830 CE).2 The standard Hermeneia text was translated to English by Paul Hetherington (Dionysius of Fourna Citation1996).3 This specific recipe, along with the recipe §52 that deals with oil painting on fabric, are of particular interest. Given the fact that these very recipes exist in a Dionysius’ source that obviously predates the compilation of the Hermeneia (ca. 1730), they clearly suggest that oil painting and textile substrates were employed by Greek painters prior to the emergence of the On painting manual (Δοξαράς Citation1871). The latter deals almost exclusively with various theoretical and practical aspects of oil painting, and was compiled in 1726 by Panagiotis Doxaras, an advocate and practitioner of western European painting, who is regarded as the painter who introduced the western European mode of naturalistic painting to Greek Orthodox territories (Παναγιώτου Citation2015).4 For a detailed discussion of these two and other relevant recipes see Mastrotheodoros and Beltsios (Citation2019).5 Several earlier (Byzantine) recipes on chrysography (i.e., on the production of gold inks for writing purposes) are included in the work by Schreiner and Oltrogge (Citation2011). For a summary, see Oltrogge (Citation2011).6 Iconography lays far beyond the research interests of the current authors, therefore the relevant iconographical sections will not be discussed herein.7 Parts in brackets correspond to later additions that appear on the restored part of this particular leaf.8 Two icons bearing the name Antonios Maroulis are found in Kythnos Island (Χατζηδάκης and Δρακοπούλου Citation1997).9 Note that when written in Latin the name “Μπάλμπης” stands for Balbis; the latter might have been (mis)transcribed as “Βάλβης” in Greek.10 For the transcription of the Greek texts see Appendix A.11 The text from this point to the end of the recipe appears separately in B (recipe number 6, f17v)12 The term pertains to poisonous plants which are occasionally identified with members of the poisonous aconitum genus plants (Ranunculaceae family); see e.g., Βυζάντιος (Citation1857), 403, 405 and Mastrotheodoros and Beltsios (Citation2019) for a more detailed discussion.13 Only in Samos MS61, where it has replaced P11; yet, the latter appears in Benaki MS141 (B).14 Traditional hard liquor produced through the distillation of grape skins.15 It is accepted that the traditional medium for icon painting was egg yolk (see e.g. Κόντολγου Citation1993; Cristache et al. Citation2015; Papazoglou et al. Citation2019). However, in this case and elsewhere (e.g., S17, S37, S53) Balpis used only the term “αυγό” i.e. “egg” without specifying whether it is the yolk, the white or the whole egg. The only instances that the yolk is indeed specified is in S66 (Making artificial amber).16 “τοκαρισμοί” in the Greek text, ultimately from the Italian verb toccare=touch; the Greek term possibly refers to a succession of strokes having the character of final/finishing touches.17 The term ‘λινόχρα’ / linochra is the plural of the term ‘λινόχρον’/ ‘linochron’, which is also encountered in the recipes S23, S28 & S36. On recipe S23/B25 the ‘λινόχρα’ are rendered in a mixture of equal parts of ochre and lead white. Note that the term linochron / linochra derive from the combination of the terms ‘λινόν’/ linon which stands for the color of flax fibers (λινό/ λινάρι = flax) and ‘ωχρός’ / ‘ochros’ (= ochre-colored). Another possibility is that the term is a variant of λινόχρους (= flax-coloured; a naturally-coloured linen cloth can be pale yellow).18 Probably the solid residue of the sandalwood exudate, i.e. sandalwood resin.19 The dram is a weight unit that equals 3.203 grams; 400 drams make an oka (1283 grams).20 For example, a pale shade of yellow brown.21 ‘oxei’ (correct spelling: oxy) denotes a red, reddish-brown or violet color and in the case of painting it might pertain to red ochre or similar pigments. In the case of S26 (see below) oxei is interpreted as ‘sinapidi’ (a form of sinopia); for a detail discussion of oxei/oxy see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).22 S24/B26 is about xylophana; the latter term might refer to wooden lanterns or to items with the appearance/color of wood. Since neighboring paragraphs pertain to special colors, we interpret this paragraph as if it pertains to wood-type appearance/color.23 See the note 19 for synapidi and oxei/oxy in S23.24 One might assume that here oxei = red ochre; see alson note 19.25 Unidentified term.26 Potamoi (ποταμοί – literally ‘rivers’) are thin, vertical decorative bands that appear on the sticharion, a long rather plane robe worn by priests serving in the frame of Orthodox Christian church.27 πυροδυσμός (= πυροδισμός, pyrodismos): the transparent reddish paint layer that is applied thinly on the cheeks, neck etc., to impart a slight redness.28 I.e., the color of flax-fibers, see the relevant comment in S17.29 Recipes S35 and S36 of the Samos 61 MS appear combined in a single recipe (B37) in the Benaki 141 MS.30 Plural form of the term ‘λινοκοπία’/ ‘linokopia’: the word is used to describe the qluing agent used for applying gilded highlights (the equivalent of the Russian ‘assist’) (Mastrotheodoros et al. Citation2018).31 The corresponding recipes of both Balpis texts are more or less the same as those of Διονύσιος Citation1997 §27 (only minor spelling differences). However, the Balpis Hermeneiae contain short additional prescriptions at the end of the recipes, which are transcribed here.32 This recipe embodies copies of three recipes from the reference manuscript (Διονύσιος Citation1997), namely P§38–39-40. However, a short part of P§39 has been omitted by both father Ioannis texts, therefore it is transcribed here.33 Turpentine; see also recipe S51/B52 where the trementina is specifically mentioned ‘Venice’ (i.e. Venice turpentine).34 ‘Πέγουλα’/ ‘Pegoula’ is the term used originally by Dionysius (P29) to refer to the residue of the thermal processing (‘boiling’) of the fir-tree resin. Copies of the relevant Dionysius’ recipe are found in both the Balpis manuscripts (see Table 1), yet Balpis uses a slightly deviating term (‘μπέγουλα’/ ‘begoula’).35 Balpis considers the management of unrepairable icons in the concluding section of his 1783 Hermeneia copy (see Appendix B); the pertinent dilemma, i.e., ‘incineration or inhumation’, is not unlike that for the disposal of the bodies of the dead. Balpis suggests inhumation and cites a story that was taken from a Paterikon (a collection of tales and teachings of Fathers, i.e., hierarchs, saints, ascetics etc) and involves supernatural guidance. The same story is found in a nineteenth century manuscript that is kept in the Megisti Lavra monastery library (Mount Athos, Greece) (Παντϵλϵήμων Citation1958).36 Probably soapwort, see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).37 Presumably a substance deriving from lotus/persimmon plants (Diospyros genus), see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021) for details.38 The original Balpis’ term is ‘άχυτο’ which literary means ‘non-poured’; authors assume that this designation pertains to the purification process of native sulfur, which includes melting and pouring (or ‘casting’) of the liquid sulfur.39 Mourtasangki derives from the Persian term murdah-sang/ murdár-sang, which corresponds to a ‘litharge’/Pb substance (see Mastrotheodoros et al. Citation2021 and references therein). I Interestingly, Balpis interprets the rare term as ‘μολυβόχωμα’/ ‘molivochoma’ (lead-earth), an explanation not present in the original Dionysius’ text.40 ‘Ερμηνϵία/ Hermeneia’ normally means ‘interpretation’; nevertheless, the idiomatic sense ‘instruction’ is probable, in view of the context and the sense ‘instruct’ of the corresponding idiomatic verb ‘ϵρμηνϵύω/ ορμηνϵύω’.41 See e.g. recipes S11, S18, and S66, to be found only in the later Samos MS. See also Table 1.Additional informationFundingThis research was co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning» in the context of the project ‘Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers – 2nd Cycle’ (MIS-5033021), implemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).","PeriodicalId":21990,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conservation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Balpis Expansion of the Technical Part of the <i>Hermeneia</i> Painting Manual by Dionysius of Fourna\",\"authors\":\"Georgios P. Mastrotheodoros, Konstantinos G. Beltsios\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/00393630.2023.2256626\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTPainting manuals with technical and iconographical prescriptions served the needs of Greek icon painters during the post-Byzantine period. The circa 1730 CE Hermeneia of the art of painting was compiled by the hieromonk and icon painter Dionysius and is regarded as the most comprehensive pertinent Greek text. Dionysius’ Hermeneia was widely circulating among icon painters in the form of hand-written copies, many of which survive today. Most of these Hermeneia manuscripts are near-facsimiles of the Dionysius prototype text. Yet, two copies made by Father Ioannis Balpis, a Cretan icon painter, in 1782–83 CE offer an important expansion of the technical part. Here, the authors present the first ever translation of the hitherto unpublished Balpis’ Hermeneia technical additions that offer unique new insights into the materials and techniques of post-Byzantine painting. Moreover, through the critical evaluation of the Balpis additions, it is shown that the Dionysius technical part is by no means an exhaustive account of its contemporary technical knowledge.KEYWORDS: Painting manualpost-ByzantineHermeneia revisionpigmentgilding AcknowledgmentsThe authors express their sincere thanks to Dr. Agamemnon Tselikas, head of the Historical and Paleographical Archive of the National Bank of Greece Cultural Foundation, for granting permission to publish the Samos MS, as well as to Dr. Sofia Chandaka, Dr. Panorea Gaitanou, Ms. Panorea Benatou, and Mr. Sotirios Bekiaris from the Benaki Museum, for granting permission to publish and assisting the study of the Benaki Museum manuscript. Also, special thanks are due to Dr. Varvara Papadopoulou, Deputy Director of the Ioannina Ephorate of Antiquities, for providing access to the Byzantine Museum of Ioannina collection. GM expresses his gratitude to the State Scholarships Foundation (IKY) for providing financial support for this study. Finally, tke authors extend their gratitude to the three anonymous reviewers, who, through their thoughtful and constructive comments, contributed significantly to the improvement of this work.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I.e., the period preceding the year 1453 CE, which corresponds to the seizure of Constantinople by Ottoman Turks and marks the beginning of the post-Byzantine period (1453–1830 CE).2 The standard Hermeneia text was translated to English by Paul Hetherington (Dionysius of Fourna Citation1996).3 This specific recipe, along with the recipe §52 that deals with oil painting on fabric, are of particular interest. Given the fact that these very recipes exist in a Dionysius’ source that obviously predates the compilation of the Hermeneia (ca. 1730), they clearly suggest that oil painting and textile substrates were employed by Greek painters prior to the emergence of the On painting manual (Δοξαράς Citation1871). The latter deals almost exclusively with various theoretical and practical aspects of oil painting, and was compiled in 1726 by Panagiotis Doxaras, an advocate and practitioner of western European painting, who is regarded as the painter who introduced the western European mode of naturalistic painting to Greek Orthodox territories (Παναγιώτου Citation2015).4 For a detailed discussion of these two and other relevant recipes see Mastrotheodoros and Beltsios (Citation2019).5 Several earlier (Byzantine) recipes on chrysography (i.e., on the production of gold inks for writing purposes) are included in the work by Schreiner and Oltrogge (Citation2011). For a summary, see Oltrogge (Citation2011).6 Iconography lays far beyond the research interests of the current authors, therefore the relevant iconographical sections will not be discussed herein.7 Parts in brackets correspond to later additions that appear on the restored part of this particular leaf.8 Two icons bearing the name Antonios Maroulis are found in Kythnos Island (Χατζηδάκης and Δρακοπούλου Citation1997).9 Note that when written in Latin the name “Μπάλμπης” stands for Balbis; the latter might have been (mis)transcribed as “Βάλβης” in Greek.10 For the transcription of the Greek texts see Appendix A.11 The text from this point to the end of the recipe appears separately in B (recipe number 6, f17v)12 The term pertains to poisonous plants which are occasionally identified with members of the poisonous aconitum genus plants (Ranunculaceae family); see e.g., Βυζάντιος (Citation1857), 403, 405 and Mastrotheodoros and Beltsios (Citation2019) for a more detailed discussion.13 Only in Samos MS61, where it has replaced P11; yet, the latter appears in Benaki MS141 (B).14 Traditional hard liquor produced through the distillation of grape skins.15 It is accepted that the traditional medium for icon painting was egg yolk (see e.g. Κόντολγου Citation1993; Cristache et al. Citation2015; Papazoglou et al. Citation2019). However, in this case and elsewhere (e.g., S17, S37, S53) Balpis used only the term “αυγό” i.e. “egg” without specifying whether it is the yolk, the white or the whole egg. The only instances that the yolk is indeed specified is in S66 (Making artificial amber).16 “τοκαρισμοί” in the Greek text, ultimately from the Italian verb toccare=touch; the Greek term possibly refers to a succession of strokes having the character of final/finishing touches.17 The term ‘λινόχρα’ / linochra is the plural of the term ‘λινόχρον’/ ‘linochron’, which is also encountered in the recipes S23, S28 & S36. On recipe S23/B25 the ‘λινόχρα’ are rendered in a mixture of equal parts of ochre and lead white. Note that the term linochron / linochra derive from the combination of the terms ‘λινόν’/ linon which stands for the color of flax fibers (λινό/ λινάρι = flax) and ‘ωχρός’ / ‘ochros’ (= ochre-colored). Another possibility is that the term is a variant of λινόχρους (= flax-coloured; a naturally-coloured linen cloth can be pale yellow).18 Probably the solid residue of the sandalwood exudate, i.e. sandalwood resin.19 The dram is a weight unit that equals 3.203 grams; 400 drams make an oka (1283 grams).20 For example, a pale shade of yellow brown.21 ‘oxei’ (correct spelling: oxy) denotes a red, reddish-brown or violet color and in the case of painting it might pertain to red ochre or similar pigments. In the case of S26 (see below) oxei is interpreted as ‘sinapidi’ (a form of sinopia); for a detail discussion of oxei/oxy see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).22 S24/B26 is about xylophana; the latter term might refer to wooden lanterns or to items with the appearance/color of wood. Since neighboring paragraphs pertain to special colors, we interpret this paragraph as if it pertains to wood-type appearance/color.23 See the note 19 for synapidi and oxei/oxy in S23.24 One might assume that here oxei = red ochre; see alson note 19.25 Unidentified term.26 Potamoi (ποταμοί – literally ‘rivers’) are thin, vertical decorative bands that appear on the sticharion, a long rather plane robe worn by priests serving in the frame of Orthodox Christian church.27 πυροδυσμός (= πυροδισμός, pyrodismos): the transparent reddish paint layer that is applied thinly on the cheeks, neck etc., to impart a slight redness.28 I.e., the color of flax-fibers, see the relevant comment in S17.29 Recipes S35 and S36 of the Samos 61 MS appear combined in a single recipe (B37) in the Benaki 141 MS.30 Plural form of the term ‘λινοκοπία’/ ‘linokopia’: the word is used to describe the qluing agent used for applying gilded highlights (the equivalent of the Russian ‘assist’) (Mastrotheodoros et al. Citation2018).31 The corresponding recipes of both Balpis texts are more or less the same as those of Διονύσιος Citation1997 §27 (only minor spelling differences). However, the Balpis Hermeneiae contain short additional prescriptions at the end of the recipes, which are transcribed here.32 This recipe embodies copies of three recipes from the reference manuscript (Διονύσιος Citation1997), namely P§38–39-40. However, a short part of P§39 has been omitted by both father Ioannis texts, therefore it is transcribed here.33 Turpentine; see also recipe S51/B52 where the trementina is specifically mentioned ‘Venice’ (i.e. Venice turpentine).34 ‘Πέγουλα’/ ‘Pegoula’ is the term used originally by Dionysius (P29) to refer to the residue of the thermal processing (‘boiling’) of the fir-tree resin. Copies of the relevant Dionysius’ recipe are found in both the Balpis manuscripts (see Table 1), yet Balpis uses a slightly deviating term (‘μπέγουλα’/ ‘begoula’).35 Balpis considers the management of unrepairable icons in the concluding section of his 1783 Hermeneia copy (see Appendix B); the pertinent dilemma, i.e., ‘incineration or inhumation’, is not unlike that for the disposal of the bodies of the dead. Balpis suggests inhumation and cites a story that was taken from a Paterikon (a collection of tales and teachings of Fathers, i.e., hierarchs, saints, ascetics etc) and involves supernatural guidance. The same story is found in a nineteenth century manuscript that is kept in the Megisti Lavra monastery library (Mount Athos, Greece) (Παντϵλϵήμων Citation1958).36 Probably soapwort, see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).37 Presumably a substance deriving from lotus/persimmon plants (Diospyros genus), see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021) for details.38 The original Balpis’ term is ‘άχυτο’ which literary means ‘non-poured’; authors assume that this designation pertains to the purification process of native sulfur, which includes melting and pouring (or ‘casting’) of the liquid sulfur.39 Mourtasangki derives from the Persian term murdah-sang/ murdár-sang, which corresponds to a ‘litharge’/Pb substance (see Mastrotheodoros et al. Citation2021 and references therein). I Interestingly, Balpis interprets the rare term as ‘μολυβόχωμα’/ ‘molivochoma’ (lead-earth), an explanation not present in the original Dionysius’ text.40 ‘Ερμηνϵία/ Hermeneia’ normally means ‘interpretation’; nevertheless, the idiomatic sense ‘instruction’ is probable, in view of the context and the sense ‘instruct’ of the corresponding idiomatic verb ‘ϵρμηνϵύω/ ορμηνϵύω’.41 See e.g. recipes S11, S18, and S66, to be found only in the later Samos MS. See also Table 1.Additional informationFundingThis research was co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning» in the context of the project ‘Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers – 2nd Cycle’ (MIS-5033021), implemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).\",\"PeriodicalId\":21990,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Studies in Conservation\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.8000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-09-22\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Studies in Conservation\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2023.2256626\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"化学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"ARCHAEOLOGY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Studies in Conservation","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2023.2256626","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"化学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ARCHAEOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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摘要

“鸡蛋”,但没有说明它是蛋黄、蛋白还是整个鸡蛋。唯一一个对蛋黄有具体说明的例子是在S66(制作人造琥珀)τοκαρισμο在希腊文中,最终源自意大利语动词tocare =触摸;这个希腊词可能指的是具有最后/最后一笔特征的一连串笔画术语“λιν ον”/ linochra是术语“λιν ον”/“linochron”的复数形式,在菜谱S23、S28和S36中也会遇到。在配方S23/B25中,λιν ν χρα用等量的赭石和铅白混合而成。请注意,术语linochron / linochra来源于“λινό/ λιν ν ν”/ linon这两个词的组合,它代表亚麻纤维的颜色(λινό/ λιν ρι =亚麻)和“ωχρός”/“ochrs”(=赭色)。另一种可能性是,这个词是λιν ο χρο ς(=亚麻色;天然颜色的亚麻布可以是淡黄色的可能是檀香渗出物的固体残留物,即檀香树脂德拉姆是一个重量单位,等于3.203克;400克一冈(1283克)例如,一种淡黄色的褐色。“oxei”(正确拼写:oxy)表示红色、红褐色或紫色,在绘画中,它可能与红赭石或类似的颜料有关。就S26而言(见下文),oxei被解释为“sinapidi”(sinopia的一种形式);关于oxei/oxy的详细讨论见Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).22S24/B26是关于木氧烷的;后一个术语可能指木制灯笼或具有木材外观/颜色的物品。由于相邻的段落涉及到特殊的颜色,我们把这一段解释为它涉及到木材的外观/颜色参见第23章第24节中关于synapidi和oxei/oxy的注释19,这里可以假设oxei = red ochre;另见附注19.25未确定术语“河”(Potamoi)是出现在圣袍上的细而垂直的装饰带,圣袍是东正教教堂里牧师穿的一种长而平的长袍。π ροδισμός(≈π ροδισμός, pyrodismos):一种透明的红色颜料层,薄涂在脸颊、脖子等处,使皮肤略显红润例如,亚麻纤维的颜色,见S17.29的相关评论,在Samos 61 MS的食谱S35和S36出现在Benaki 141 MS的一个食谱(B37)中。30术语“λινοκοπ骗骗术α”/“linokopia”的复数形式:该词用于描述用于镀金高光的涂胶剂(相当于俄语的“assist”)(Mastrotheodoros等人)。Citation2018)。31两个Balpis文本对应的配方与Διονύσιος Citation1997§27的大致相同(只有轻微的拼写差异)。然而,《巴尔皮斯·赫门尼亚》在食谱的末尾包含简短的附加处方,这些处方在这里被转录这个食谱包含了参考手稿(Διονύσιος Citation1997)中三个食谱的副本,即P§38-39-40。然而,P§39的一小部分被父亲Ioannis的文本省略了,因此它被转录在这里松节油;参见配方S51/B52,其中特别提到了“威尼斯”(即威尼斯松节油)。' Πέγουλα ' / ' Pegoula '是Dionysius (P29)最初使用的术语,指冷杉树脂热处理('沸腾')的残留物。在Balpis的两份手稿中都发现了相关的Dionysius配方的副本(见表1),然而Balpis使用了一个稍微偏离的术语(' μπ α ' / ' begoula ')Balpis在他1783年的Hermeneia副本的总结部分考虑了不可修复图标的管理(见附录B);相关的困境,即“焚化或拟人化”,与处理死者尸体的问题没有什么不同。巴尔皮斯建议将其人葬,并引用了一个故事,这个故事摘自《教父》(patikon)(父亲的故事和教义的集合,即等级制度、圣徒、禁欲者等),涉及超自然的指导。同样的故事也见于一份保存在Megisti Lavra修道院图书馆(希腊阿索斯山)的19世纪手稿中(Παντϵλϵήμων Citation1958)可能是皂草,见Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).37可能是一种源自莲花/柿子植物(Diospyros属)的物质,详见Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021)最初的巴尔皮斯术语是“<s:1> το”,文学上的意思是“未浇上的”;作者认为,这一名称适用于天然硫的净化过程,包括熔化和浇注(或“铸造”)液态硫Mourtasangki源自波斯语词murdah-sang/ murdár-sang,对应于“lithlarge”/Pb物质(见Mastrotheodoros等人)。Citation2021及参考文献)。有趣的是,巴尔皮斯将这个罕见的术语解释为“μολ βό ωμα”/“molivochoma”(铅-土),这是狄奥尼修斯原文中没有的解释。 ' Ερμηνϵία/ Hermeneia '通常表示'解释';然而,从上下文和对应的习惯动词ϵρμηνϵύω/ ορμηνϵύω的“指示”的意思来看,习惯意义上的“指令”是可能的例如,食谱S11、S18和S66,只在后来的Samos ms中找到,参见表1。本研究由希腊和欧盟(欧洲社会基金- ESF)通过“人力资源开发,教育和终身学习”业务计划在“加强博士后研究人员-第二周期”项目(MIS-5033021)的背景下共同资助,由国家奖学金基金会(ΙΚΥ)实施。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Balpis Expansion of the Technical Part of the Hermeneia Painting Manual by Dionysius of Fourna
ABSTRACTPainting manuals with technical and iconographical prescriptions served the needs of Greek icon painters during the post-Byzantine period. The circa 1730 CE Hermeneia of the art of painting was compiled by the hieromonk and icon painter Dionysius and is regarded as the most comprehensive pertinent Greek text. Dionysius’ Hermeneia was widely circulating among icon painters in the form of hand-written copies, many of which survive today. Most of these Hermeneia manuscripts are near-facsimiles of the Dionysius prototype text. Yet, two copies made by Father Ioannis Balpis, a Cretan icon painter, in 1782–83 CE offer an important expansion of the technical part. Here, the authors present the first ever translation of the hitherto unpublished Balpis’ Hermeneia technical additions that offer unique new insights into the materials and techniques of post-Byzantine painting. Moreover, through the critical evaluation of the Balpis additions, it is shown that the Dionysius technical part is by no means an exhaustive account of its contemporary technical knowledge.KEYWORDS: Painting manualpost-ByzantineHermeneia revisionpigmentgilding AcknowledgmentsThe authors express their sincere thanks to Dr. Agamemnon Tselikas, head of the Historical and Paleographical Archive of the National Bank of Greece Cultural Foundation, for granting permission to publish the Samos MS, as well as to Dr. Sofia Chandaka, Dr. Panorea Gaitanou, Ms. Panorea Benatou, and Mr. Sotirios Bekiaris from the Benaki Museum, for granting permission to publish and assisting the study of the Benaki Museum manuscript. Also, special thanks are due to Dr. Varvara Papadopoulou, Deputy Director of the Ioannina Ephorate of Antiquities, for providing access to the Byzantine Museum of Ioannina collection. GM expresses his gratitude to the State Scholarships Foundation (IKY) for providing financial support for this study. Finally, tke authors extend their gratitude to the three anonymous reviewers, who, through their thoughtful and constructive comments, contributed significantly to the improvement of this work.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I.e., the period preceding the year 1453 CE, which corresponds to the seizure of Constantinople by Ottoman Turks and marks the beginning of the post-Byzantine period (1453–1830 CE).2 The standard Hermeneia text was translated to English by Paul Hetherington (Dionysius of Fourna Citation1996).3 This specific recipe, along with the recipe §52 that deals with oil painting on fabric, are of particular interest. Given the fact that these very recipes exist in a Dionysius’ source that obviously predates the compilation of the Hermeneia (ca. 1730), they clearly suggest that oil painting and textile substrates were employed by Greek painters prior to the emergence of the On painting manual (Δοξαράς Citation1871). The latter deals almost exclusively with various theoretical and practical aspects of oil painting, and was compiled in 1726 by Panagiotis Doxaras, an advocate and practitioner of western European painting, who is regarded as the painter who introduced the western European mode of naturalistic painting to Greek Orthodox territories (Παναγιώτου Citation2015).4 For a detailed discussion of these two and other relevant recipes see Mastrotheodoros and Beltsios (Citation2019).5 Several earlier (Byzantine) recipes on chrysography (i.e., on the production of gold inks for writing purposes) are included in the work by Schreiner and Oltrogge (Citation2011). For a summary, see Oltrogge (Citation2011).6 Iconography lays far beyond the research interests of the current authors, therefore the relevant iconographical sections will not be discussed herein.7 Parts in brackets correspond to later additions that appear on the restored part of this particular leaf.8 Two icons bearing the name Antonios Maroulis are found in Kythnos Island (Χατζηδάκης and Δρακοπούλου Citation1997).9 Note that when written in Latin the name “Μπάλμπης” stands for Balbis; the latter might have been (mis)transcribed as “Βάλβης” in Greek.10 For the transcription of the Greek texts see Appendix A.11 The text from this point to the end of the recipe appears separately in B (recipe number 6, f17v)12 The term pertains to poisonous plants which are occasionally identified with members of the poisonous aconitum genus plants (Ranunculaceae family); see e.g., Βυζάντιος (Citation1857), 403, 405 and Mastrotheodoros and Beltsios (Citation2019) for a more detailed discussion.13 Only in Samos MS61, where it has replaced P11; yet, the latter appears in Benaki MS141 (B).14 Traditional hard liquor produced through the distillation of grape skins.15 It is accepted that the traditional medium for icon painting was egg yolk (see e.g. Κόντολγου Citation1993; Cristache et al. Citation2015; Papazoglou et al. Citation2019). However, in this case and elsewhere (e.g., S17, S37, S53) Balpis used only the term “αυγό” i.e. “egg” without specifying whether it is the yolk, the white or the whole egg. The only instances that the yolk is indeed specified is in S66 (Making artificial amber).16 “τοκαρισμοί” in the Greek text, ultimately from the Italian verb toccare=touch; the Greek term possibly refers to a succession of strokes having the character of final/finishing touches.17 The term ‘λινόχρα’ / linochra is the plural of the term ‘λινόχρον’/ ‘linochron’, which is also encountered in the recipes S23, S28 & S36. On recipe S23/B25 the ‘λινόχρα’ are rendered in a mixture of equal parts of ochre and lead white. Note that the term linochron / linochra derive from the combination of the terms ‘λινόν’/ linon which stands for the color of flax fibers (λινό/ λινάρι = flax) and ‘ωχρός’ / ‘ochros’ (= ochre-colored). Another possibility is that the term is a variant of λινόχρους (= flax-coloured; a naturally-coloured linen cloth can be pale yellow).18 Probably the solid residue of the sandalwood exudate, i.e. sandalwood resin.19 The dram is a weight unit that equals 3.203 grams; 400 drams make an oka (1283 grams).20 For example, a pale shade of yellow brown.21 ‘oxei’ (correct spelling: oxy) denotes a red, reddish-brown or violet color and in the case of painting it might pertain to red ochre or similar pigments. In the case of S26 (see below) oxei is interpreted as ‘sinapidi’ (a form of sinopia); for a detail discussion of oxei/oxy see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).22 S24/B26 is about xylophana; the latter term might refer to wooden lanterns or to items with the appearance/color of wood. Since neighboring paragraphs pertain to special colors, we interpret this paragraph as if it pertains to wood-type appearance/color.23 See the note 19 for synapidi and oxei/oxy in S23.24 One might assume that here oxei = red ochre; see alson note 19.25 Unidentified term.26 Potamoi (ποταμοί – literally ‘rivers’) are thin, vertical decorative bands that appear on the sticharion, a long rather plane robe worn by priests serving in the frame of Orthodox Christian church.27 πυροδυσμός (= πυροδισμός, pyrodismos): the transparent reddish paint layer that is applied thinly on the cheeks, neck etc., to impart a slight redness.28 I.e., the color of flax-fibers, see the relevant comment in S17.29 Recipes S35 and S36 of the Samos 61 MS appear combined in a single recipe (B37) in the Benaki 141 MS.30 Plural form of the term ‘λινοκοπία’/ ‘linokopia’: the word is used to describe the qluing agent used for applying gilded highlights (the equivalent of the Russian ‘assist’) (Mastrotheodoros et al. Citation2018).31 The corresponding recipes of both Balpis texts are more or less the same as those of Διονύσιος Citation1997 §27 (only minor spelling differences). However, the Balpis Hermeneiae contain short additional prescriptions at the end of the recipes, which are transcribed here.32 This recipe embodies copies of three recipes from the reference manuscript (Διονύσιος Citation1997), namely P§38–39-40. However, a short part of P§39 has been omitted by both father Ioannis texts, therefore it is transcribed here.33 Turpentine; see also recipe S51/B52 where the trementina is specifically mentioned ‘Venice’ (i.e. Venice turpentine).34 ‘Πέγουλα’/ ‘Pegoula’ is the term used originally by Dionysius (P29) to refer to the residue of the thermal processing (‘boiling’) of the fir-tree resin. Copies of the relevant Dionysius’ recipe are found in both the Balpis manuscripts (see Table 1), yet Balpis uses a slightly deviating term (‘μπέγουλα’/ ‘begoula’).35 Balpis considers the management of unrepairable icons in the concluding section of his 1783 Hermeneia copy (see Appendix B); the pertinent dilemma, i.e., ‘incineration or inhumation’, is not unlike that for the disposal of the bodies of the dead. Balpis suggests inhumation and cites a story that was taken from a Paterikon (a collection of tales and teachings of Fathers, i.e., hierarchs, saints, ascetics etc) and involves supernatural guidance. The same story is found in a nineteenth century manuscript that is kept in the Megisti Lavra monastery library (Mount Athos, Greece) (Παντϵλϵήμων Citation1958).36 Probably soapwort, see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021).37 Presumably a substance deriving from lotus/persimmon plants (Diospyros genus), see Mastrotheodoros et al. (Citation2021) for details.38 The original Balpis’ term is ‘άχυτο’ which literary means ‘non-poured’; authors assume that this designation pertains to the purification process of native sulfur, which includes melting and pouring (or ‘casting’) of the liquid sulfur.39 Mourtasangki derives from the Persian term murdah-sang/ murdár-sang, which corresponds to a ‘litharge’/Pb substance (see Mastrotheodoros et al. Citation2021 and references therein). I Interestingly, Balpis interprets the rare term as ‘μολυβόχωμα’/ ‘molivochoma’ (lead-earth), an explanation not present in the original Dionysius’ text.40 ‘Ερμηνϵία/ Hermeneia’ normally means ‘interpretation’; nevertheless, the idiomatic sense ‘instruction’ is probable, in view of the context and the sense ‘instruct’ of the corresponding idiomatic verb ‘ϵρμηνϵύω/ ορμηνϵύω’.41 See e.g. recipes S11, S18, and S66, to be found only in the later Samos MS. See also Table 1.Additional informationFundingThis research was co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning» in the context of the project ‘Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers – 2nd Cycle’ (MIS-5033021), implemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).
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来源期刊
Studies in Conservation
Studies in Conservation 化学-分析化学
CiteScore
1.80
自引率
12.50%
发文量
73
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: Studies in Conservation is the premier international peer-reviewed journal for the conservation of historic and artistic works. The intended readership includes the conservation professional in the broadest sense of the term: practising conservators of all types of object, conservation, heritage and museum scientists, collection or conservation managers, teachers and students of conservation, and academic researchers in the subject areas of arts, archaeology, the built heritage, materials history, art technological research and material culture. Studies in Conservation publishes original work on a range of subjects including, but not limited to, examination methods for works of art, new research in the analysis of artistic materials, mechanisms of deterioration, advances in conservation practice, novel methods of treatment, conservation issues in display and storage, preventive conservation, issues of collection care, conservation history and ethics, and the history of materials and technological processes. Scientific content is not necessary, and the editors encourage the submission of practical articles, review papers, position papers on best practice and the philosophy and ethics of collecting and preservation, to help maintain the traditional balance of the journal. Whatever the subject matter, accounts of routine procedures are not accepted, except where these lead to results that are sufficiently novel and/or significant to be of general interest.
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