推特上历史记忆的政治化。波兰大屠杀辩论中的“积极反犹主义”

IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Adrian Trzoss, Wiktor Werner, Cyprian Kleist, Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz, Marcin Moskalewicz
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PiS tweets had more positive sentiment regarding the memory of the Holocaust and Jewish legacy in Poland. The final hermeneutical analysis showed that the rulling party narratives were aimed appropriation of collective memory and “Polonizing” the Holocaust, and that the positive sentiment was a function of ‘positive anti-Semitism’.KEYWORDS: TwitterHolocaustantisemitismmemory warhistorical narrativessentiment bias AcknowledgementsThe research was funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NCN) under grant title “Historical narratives in Web 2.0 as a functional element of national identities in Central and Eastern Europe” (2020/39/B/HS3/01237). The computational component was performed with the cooperation of the Centre of Informatics Tricity Academic Supercomputer and Network (TASK) in Gdańsk using the computing cloud TASKcloud. Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz was supported by the Polish National Agency for Academic Exchange (NAWA). Marcin Moskalewicz was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In 1983, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, who headed the Polish People’s Republic, going along with the Catholic Church, authorized the construction of a Carmelite convent at Auschwitz. Jewish circles protested against the appropriation of the territory. Despite the multilateral agreements reached on the matter and the pressure of international public opinion, the Carmelites did not move to a new off-site location until 1993. However, the so-called “Auschwitz cross” remained on the gravel site at the monastery, sparking a new round of conflict over the presence and hegemony of Catholic symbolism at the death camp. In late 1998 and early 1999, more than 300 crosses were set up on the grounds next to the camp at the call of the national-Catholic activist Kazimierz Switon. They were eventually removed amid an international scandal.2. See: https://www.president.pl/president-komorowski/news/president-on-barack-obamas-letter,385943. For the last two centuries, Polish history was marked by constant failed uprisings, lost defensive wars, and occupation by Nazis, Soviets and later communist regime; thus the topos of “martyrisation” in appeared Polish historical narratives. This symbolises the heroic sacrifice of Polish independence actions against enemies and occupational authorities, which for the most part, ended with the execution of Polish freedom fighters.4. “Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation” is a Polish State institution responsible for both historical education and prosecuting Nazi and communist crimes on the Polish People during the World War II and soviet times. An infamous 2018 amendment referred to in media as “ustawaipn” was a point of a broader national and international debate on whether Poles were actively responsible for the Holocaust. In its original version, the 2018 amendment, later re-visioned and dropped, aimed at penalising public attribution of Holocaust responsibility to Poland or Poles. The origin of the amendment comes from the “Polish death camps” controversy; the bill was meant to be a tool in a fight against this false and simplified phrase.5. In the case of the phrase “Oświęcim”, we found some Tweets unrelated to the Holocaust and related to the local issues like Oświęcim Hospital or a political incident involving a car crash of the then Polish PM Beata Szydło in Oświęcim. We chose only Tweets coinciding with the dates of the Holocaust events (National Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the German Nazi Concentration and Death Camps, Liberation of Auschwitz Death Camp).6. The phrase “Holocaust in Poland” is generally taken to refer to the set of individual or group decisions, actions, and processes that catalysed or contributed to the deaths of nearly three million of the approximately 3.5 million Jewish citizens of the Second Polish Republic between the years 1939 and 1945. By extension, it is also employed to refer to a similar set of decisions, actions, and processes that contributed to the survival of the remainder.In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the government of Poland protested the use of the phrase, objecting to what it considers the implication that Poles were primarily responsible for the Jewish deaths.It has preferred to speak of the “Holocaust in Nazi-occupied Poland”.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Narodowe Centrum Nauki [2020/39/B/HS3/01237]; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and Centre of Informatics Tricity Academic Supercomputer and Network in Gdańsk.Notes on contributorsAdrian TrzossAdrian Trzoss, PhD student, Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include digital history and historical narratives in social media. Lately, he investigated the gender gap in historical narrativies on Polish YouTube. ORCID: 0000-0002-6287-418XWiktor WernerWiktor Werner, PhD (with habilitation) associate professor at Adam Mickiewicz University (Faculty of History). Research interests: digital history, history of mass culture. ORCID: 0000-0002-3004-6021Cyprian KleistCyprian Kleist, MSc at Gdańsk University of Technology, PhD scholarship Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include information theory, statistical mechanics and cloud computing.Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-MoskalewiczCyprian Kleist, MSc at Gdańsk University of Technology, PhD scholarship Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include information theory, statistical mechanics and cloud computing.Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz, PhD student, Adam Mickiewicz University. Her research focuses on Polish-Jewish relations in the recent history of Poland. Currently, she is the Bekker NAWA Programme fellow at the University of Heidelberg. ORCID: 0000-0002-4744-4413Marcin MoskalewiczMarcin Moskalewicz is Associate Professor of Philosophy and team leader at IDEAS NCBR in Warsaw, a research and development centre operating in the field of artificial intelligence and digital economy; currently a Humboldt Fellow at the University of Heidelberg.","PeriodicalId":46004,"journal":{"name":"Rethinking History","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Politicisation of historical memory on Twitter. “Positive antisemitism” in the Holocaust debate in Poland\",\"authors\":\"Adrian Trzoss, Wiktor Werner, Cyprian Kleist, Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz, Marcin Moskalewicz\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/13642529.2023.2248451\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTPolitical controversies concerning the memory of historical events have adapted to the digital specificity of Twitter and are currently growing in significance. This study investigates the sentiment bias of a memory war between two major Polish political parties, the currently ruling conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party and Civic Platform (PO), the main opposition party, concerning Polish-Jewish relations, and especially the Holocaust. Totally, 23699 PO Tweets and 29,441 PiS Tweets from 2015 to 2019 were collected, out of which, 241 concerning memory war were sampled with a lexicon-based approach. Sentiment was analysed using tweet-based consensual coding with an ordinal five-point scale and automated word-based coding with a three-point scale. PiS tweets had more positive sentiment regarding the memory of the Holocaust and Jewish legacy in Poland. The final hermeneutical analysis showed that the rulling party narratives were aimed appropriation of collective memory and “Polonizing” the Holocaust, and that the positive sentiment was a function of ‘positive anti-Semitism’.KEYWORDS: TwitterHolocaustantisemitismmemory warhistorical narrativessentiment bias AcknowledgementsThe research was funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NCN) under grant title “Historical narratives in Web 2.0 as a functional element of national identities in Central and Eastern Europe” (2020/39/B/HS3/01237). The computational component was performed with the cooperation of the Centre of Informatics Tricity Academic Supercomputer and Network (TASK) in Gdańsk using the computing cloud TASKcloud. Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz was supported by the Polish National Agency for Academic Exchange (NAWA). Marcin Moskalewicz was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In 1983, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, who headed the Polish People’s Republic, going along with the Catholic Church, authorized the construction of a Carmelite convent at Auschwitz. Jewish circles protested against the appropriation of the territory. Despite the multilateral agreements reached on the matter and the pressure of international public opinion, the Carmelites did not move to a new off-site location until 1993. However, the so-called “Auschwitz cross” remained on the gravel site at the monastery, sparking a new round of conflict over the presence and hegemony of Catholic symbolism at the death camp. In late 1998 and early 1999, more than 300 crosses were set up on the grounds next to the camp at the call of the national-Catholic activist Kazimierz Switon. 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The phrase “Holocaust in Poland” is generally taken to refer to the set of individual or group decisions, actions, and processes that catalysed or contributed to the deaths of nearly three million of the approximately 3.5 million Jewish citizens of the Second Polish Republic between the years 1939 and 1945. By extension, it is also employed to refer to a similar set of decisions, actions, and processes that contributed to the survival of the remainder.In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the government of Poland protested the use of the phrase, objecting to what it considers the implication that Poles were primarily responsible for the Jewish deaths.It has preferred to speak of the “Holocaust in Nazi-occupied Poland”.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Narodowe Centrum Nauki [2020/39/B/HS3/01237]; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and Centre of Informatics Tricity Academic Supercomputer and Network in Gdańsk.Notes on contributorsAdrian TrzossAdrian Trzoss, PhD student, Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include digital history and historical narratives in social media. Lately, he investigated the gender gap in historical narrativies on Polish YouTube. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

【摘要】关于历史事件记忆的政治争议已经适应了推特的数字特殊性,并在当前日益重要。本研究调查了波兰两个主要政党,即目前执政的保守派法律与正义党(PiS)和主要反对党公民纲领党(PO)之间关于波兰与犹太人关系,特别是大屠杀的记忆战争的情绪偏见。共收集了2015 - 2019年的23699条PO推文和29441条PiS推文,其中基于词典的方法对241条关于内存战争的推文进行了采样。情绪分析使用基于推特的共识编码和有序的五分制,以及自动的基于单词的编码和三分制。PiS在推特上对波兰大屠杀和犹太人遗产的记忆有更积极的看法。最后的解释学分析表明,执政党的叙述旨在挪用集体记忆和“波兰化”大屠杀,而积极的情绪是“积极的反犹太主义”的功能。本研究由波兰国家科学中心(NCN)资助,资助标题为“Web 2.0中的历史叙事作为中欧和东欧国家身份的功能元素”(2020/39/B/HS3/01237)。计算部分是在Gdańsk中与信息学中心三合一学术超级计算机和网络(TASK)合作完成的,使用计算云TASKcloud。Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz得到了波兰国家学术交流机构(NAWA)的支持。Marcin Moskalewicz得到了Alexander von Humboldt基金会的支持。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。1983年,波兰人民共和国领导人沃伊切赫·雅鲁泽尔斯基将军与天主教会一道,批准在奥斯威辛建造一座加尔默罗修道院。犹太人团体抗议侵占该领土。尽管在这个问题上达成了多边协议和国际舆论的压力,加尔默罗修士直到1993年才搬到新的场外地点。然而,所谓的“奥斯维辛十字架”仍然留在修道院的砾石地上,引发了关于天主教象征在死亡集中营的存在和霸权的新一轮冲突。1998年底和1999年初,在国家天主教活动家Kazimierz Switon的号召下,300多个十字架被竖立在营地旁边的地面上。他们最终在一场国际丑闻中被撤职。见:https://www.president.pl/president-komorowski/news/president-on-barack-obamas-letter 385943。在过去的两个世纪里,波兰历史的特点是不断失败的起义,失败的防御战争,以及纳粹、苏联和后来的共产主义政权的占领;因此,出现在波兰历史叙事中的“殉难”主题。这象征着波兰反抗敌人和占领当局的独立行动的英勇牺牲,这些行动在很大程度上以波兰自由战士被处决而告终。“国家纪念研究所-起诉危害波兰民族罪行委员会”是一个波兰国家机构,负责历史教育和起诉二战和苏联时期纳粹和共产主义对波兰人民犯下的罪行。2018年,一项被媒体称为“ustaaipn”的臭名昭著的修正案,引发了一场更广泛的国内和国际辩论,即波兰人是否对大屠杀负有积极责任。2018年修正案的最初版本,后来经过修订和删除,旨在惩罚将大屠杀责任公开归咎于波兰或波兰人的行为。修正案的起源来自“波兰死亡集中营”的争议;该法案旨在成为反对这种虚假和简化措辞的工具。以“Oświęcim”为例,我们发现一些推文与大屠杀无关,而是与当地问题有关,如Oświęcim医院或政治事件,涉及当时的波兰总理Beata Szydło在Oświęcim的车祸。我们只选择与大屠杀事件日期一致的推文(纪念德国纳粹集中营和死亡集中营受害者全国纪念日,解放奥斯维辛死亡集中营)。"波兰大屠杀"一词一般被认为是指在1939年至1945年期间催化或促成波兰第二共和国约350万犹太公民中近300万人死亡的一系列个人或团体的决定、行动和过程。推而广之,它也被用来指一组类似的决策、行动和过程,这些决策、行动和过程有助于其余部分的生存。 在二十世纪末和二十一世纪初,波兰政府抗议使用这一短语,反对它认为这暗示波兰人对犹太人的死亡负有主要责任。它更喜欢用“纳粹占领下的波兰大屠杀”来形容。本研究由Narodowe Centrum Nauki [2020/39/B/HS3/01237]资助;亚历山大·冯·洪堡基金会和信息学中心的三合一学术超级计算机和网络在Gdańsk。作者简介:Adam Mickiewicz大学博士生sadrian Trzoss他的研究兴趣包括数字历史和社交媒体中的历史叙事。最近,他在波兰YouTube上调查了历史叙事中的性别差距。wiktor Werner, Adam Mickiewicz大学(历史系)副教授。主要研究方向:数字历史、大众文化历史。塞浦路斯·克莱斯特(cyprian Kleist), Gdańsk理工大学理学硕士,亚当·米奇维奇大学博士奖学金。主要研究方向为信息论、统计力学和云计算。Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-MoskalewiczCyprian Kleist, Gdańsk理工大学理学硕士,Adam Mickiewicz大学博士奖学金。主要研究方向为信息论、统计力学和云计算。Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz,亚当·米奇维茨大学博士生。她的研究重点是波兰近代史上波兰与犹太人的关系。目前,她是海德堡大学Bekker NAWA项目研究员。marcin Moskalewicz,华沙IDEAS NCBR(人工智能和数字经济领域的研发中心)哲学副教授和团队负责人;现为海德堡大学洪堡研究员。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Politicisation of historical memory on Twitter. “Positive antisemitism” in the Holocaust debate in Poland
ABSTRACTPolitical controversies concerning the memory of historical events have adapted to the digital specificity of Twitter and are currently growing in significance. This study investigates the sentiment bias of a memory war between two major Polish political parties, the currently ruling conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party and Civic Platform (PO), the main opposition party, concerning Polish-Jewish relations, and especially the Holocaust. Totally, 23699 PO Tweets and 29,441 PiS Tweets from 2015 to 2019 were collected, out of which, 241 concerning memory war were sampled with a lexicon-based approach. Sentiment was analysed using tweet-based consensual coding with an ordinal five-point scale and automated word-based coding with a three-point scale. PiS tweets had more positive sentiment regarding the memory of the Holocaust and Jewish legacy in Poland. The final hermeneutical analysis showed that the rulling party narratives were aimed appropriation of collective memory and “Polonizing” the Holocaust, and that the positive sentiment was a function of ‘positive anti-Semitism’.KEYWORDS: TwitterHolocaustantisemitismmemory warhistorical narrativessentiment bias AcknowledgementsThe research was funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NCN) under grant title “Historical narratives in Web 2.0 as a functional element of national identities in Central and Eastern Europe” (2020/39/B/HS3/01237). The computational component was performed with the cooperation of the Centre of Informatics Tricity Academic Supercomputer and Network (TASK) in Gdańsk using the computing cloud TASKcloud. Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz was supported by the Polish National Agency for Academic Exchange (NAWA). Marcin Moskalewicz was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In 1983, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, who headed the Polish People’s Republic, going along with the Catholic Church, authorized the construction of a Carmelite convent at Auschwitz. Jewish circles protested against the appropriation of the territory. Despite the multilateral agreements reached on the matter and the pressure of international public opinion, the Carmelites did not move to a new off-site location until 1993. However, the so-called “Auschwitz cross” remained on the gravel site at the monastery, sparking a new round of conflict over the presence and hegemony of Catholic symbolism at the death camp. In late 1998 and early 1999, more than 300 crosses were set up on the grounds next to the camp at the call of the national-Catholic activist Kazimierz Switon. They were eventually removed amid an international scandal.2. See: https://www.president.pl/president-komorowski/news/president-on-barack-obamas-letter,385943. For the last two centuries, Polish history was marked by constant failed uprisings, lost defensive wars, and occupation by Nazis, Soviets and later communist regime; thus the topos of “martyrisation” in appeared Polish historical narratives. This symbolises the heroic sacrifice of Polish independence actions against enemies and occupational authorities, which for the most part, ended with the execution of Polish freedom fighters.4. “Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation” is a Polish State institution responsible for both historical education and prosecuting Nazi and communist crimes on the Polish People during the World War II and soviet times. An infamous 2018 amendment referred to in media as “ustawaipn” was a point of a broader national and international debate on whether Poles were actively responsible for the Holocaust. In its original version, the 2018 amendment, later re-visioned and dropped, aimed at penalising public attribution of Holocaust responsibility to Poland or Poles. The origin of the amendment comes from the “Polish death camps” controversy; the bill was meant to be a tool in a fight against this false and simplified phrase.5. In the case of the phrase “Oświęcim”, we found some Tweets unrelated to the Holocaust and related to the local issues like Oświęcim Hospital or a political incident involving a car crash of the then Polish PM Beata Szydło in Oświęcim. We chose only Tweets coinciding with the dates of the Holocaust events (National Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the German Nazi Concentration and Death Camps, Liberation of Auschwitz Death Camp).6. The phrase “Holocaust in Poland” is generally taken to refer to the set of individual or group decisions, actions, and processes that catalysed or contributed to the deaths of nearly three million of the approximately 3.5 million Jewish citizens of the Second Polish Republic between the years 1939 and 1945. By extension, it is also employed to refer to a similar set of decisions, actions, and processes that contributed to the survival of the remainder.In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the government of Poland protested the use of the phrase, objecting to what it considers the implication that Poles were primarily responsible for the Jewish deaths.It has preferred to speak of the “Holocaust in Nazi-occupied Poland”.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Narodowe Centrum Nauki [2020/39/B/HS3/01237]; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and Centre of Informatics Tricity Academic Supercomputer and Network in Gdańsk.Notes on contributorsAdrian TrzossAdrian Trzoss, PhD student, Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include digital history and historical narratives in social media. Lately, he investigated the gender gap in historical narrativies on Polish YouTube. ORCID: 0000-0002-6287-418XWiktor WernerWiktor Werner, PhD (with habilitation) associate professor at Adam Mickiewicz University (Faculty of History). Research interests: digital history, history of mass culture. ORCID: 0000-0002-3004-6021Cyprian KleistCyprian Kleist, MSc at Gdańsk University of Technology, PhD scholarship Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include information theory, statistical mechanics and cloud computing.Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-MoskalewiczCyprian Kleist, MSc at Gdańsk University of Technology, PhD scholarship Adam Mickiewicz University. His research interests include information theory, statistical mechanics and cloud computing.Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz, PhD student, Adam Mickiewicz University. Her research focuses on Polish-Jewish relations in the recent history of Poland. Currently, she is the Bekker NAWA Programme fellow at the University of Heidelberg. ORCID: 0000-0002-4744-4413Marcin MoskalewiczMarcin Moskalewicz is Associate Professor of Philosophy and team leader at IDEAS NCBR in Warsaw, a research and development centre operating in the field of artificial intelligence and digital economy; currently a Humboldt Fellow at the University of Heidelberg.
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Rethinking History
Rethinking History Multiple-
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期刊介绍: This acclaimed journal allows historians in a broad range of specialities to experiment with new ways of presenting and interpreting history. Rethinking History challenges the accepted ways of doing history and rethinks the traditional paradigms, providing a unique forum in which practitioners and theorists can debate and expand the boundaries of the discipline.
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