{"title":"对经济学规范科学研究的贡献,受到凯恩斯和波普尔的启发","authors":"Sina Badiei","doi":"10.1080/1350178x.2023.2267075","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper defends JN Keynes’s argument that normative economics can be objective. It begins by exploring Keynes’s view on the positive/normative distinction in economics. After discussing its originality and advantages, the paper recognizes that the Keynesian distinction does not explain the exact nature of the relationship between positive and normative economics. Thus, it tries to improve Keynes’s position using Popper’s contributions to economics. It shows that for Popper, advances in normative social science are the main steppingstone to resolving disagreements over the choice of the norms underlying the reform of social situations. The final two parts of the paper draw on the contributions of Keynes and Popper to the study of norms to explain why normative economics can more easily approach objectivity by concentrating on highly delimited topics. The last part relies on Popper’s concept of avoidable unhappiness to offer one method of restraining the tasks of normative economics.KEYWORDS: Positive economicsnormative economicsnorms and valuesepistemology of economicsphilosophy of economicsbasic needs AcknowledgementI want to express my gratitude to John Davis, Wade Hands and Élodie Bertrand for their invaluable comments on previous versions of this paper, and the editors of INEM 2021 Special Issue, Malte Dold, Merve Bornazoglu and Tyler Desroches, for their help and consideration. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge the immensely helpful comments and suggestions of two anonymous referees, which allowed me to improve the paper considerably. It goes without saying that I am responsible for any remaining shortcoming.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Hands (Citation2012) has argued in favor of distinguishing epistemic values that influence scientific work from non-epistemic norms that influence the actions of socio-economic agents in general (Citation2012, pp. 220–221). This article's focus is on non-epistemic, i.e., social and ethical norms, and it often follows Hands by distinguishing epistemic values from non-epistemic norms.2 Keynes's book is much more than a mere epistemological and methodological restatement of Marshall's economics, as proven by Marshall's not-very-enthusiastic comments on the book and Keynes's characterization of Marshall's views as ‘nearly always exaggerated on one side or the other’ (Deane, Citation2001, p. 138).3 For example, suppose we have a choice between two policies, A and B. Policy A allows the wealthiest person to gain the sum of x. After compensating the losers, he still gains the sum of y relative to the initial situation. Policy B allows the poorest person to gain the sum of x. After compensating the loser, who happens to be the richest person, she still gains the sum of y relative to the initial situation. Paretian welfare economics offers no guidance as to which of these policies should be adopted, leaving the decision to politicians, even though most practical cases of policymaking involve choosing between such alternatives.4 Had Keynes been aware of Walras's classification of economics, especially the distinction between the économie politique pure and the science morale pure (Dockès, Citation1996, pp. 37–59), he would have probably found them very useful and close to his distinction between positive and normative economics.5 In his writings, especially in Science and Values (Citation1984), Larry Laudan has offered engaging examinations of other models of explaining how disagreements at the factual and methodological levels are treated in science.6 By values, Putnam refers to both epistemic values and non-epistemic norms. He moreover criticizes those who make distinctions of different kinds between values and norms, such as Habermas (Putnam & Walsh, Citation2012, pp. 121–128).7 Even the works just mentioned, which have discussed Popper's normative writings, rarely focus on the relationship between Popper's contributions to normative questions and his writings on economic methodology and economic philosophy. It is worth noting that Popper often uses economics as a model for all social sciences (Popper, Citation1974/2005, p. 135; Popper, Citation1976, p. 103; Popper, Citation1994, p. 181).8 To be sure, some people may decide to impose their desired plan regardless of those of others. However, this attitude is totalitarian because it makes the desired plan of a limited group the only plan that matters. Avoiding this attitude by seeking to understand the existing situation and the plans of others is, therefore, a normative choice.9 Numerous scholars (Hands, Citation2001; Gorton, Citation2006; O’Gorman, Citation2008; Agassi, Citation2009) have already examined Popper's writings on situational analysis. Therefore, this article only discusses its resemblances and dissimilarities vis-à-vis other theoretical approaches in positive economics.10 Given the role of the institutionalist view in Popper's depiction of the tasks of positive social science, we can wonder whether his agreement with Hayek's characterization of economics (Popper, Citation1994, p. 181; Popper, Citation2012, pp. 403–404) is not rooted in his lack of solid knowledge of marginalism. It is worth mentioning that among neoclassical economists working on positive economics, game theorists embody the institutionalist view more than others, as the rules of the games play a determining role in how players’ strategies are explained.11 For Popper, ‘the use of violence is justified only under a tyranny’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360) because the latter ‘makes reforms without violence impossible’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360). Still, he reminds us that the use of violence in such cases ‘should have only one aim, that is, to bring about a state of affairs which makes reforms without violence possible’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360).12 I am grateful to one of the reviewers for recommending this paper to me.13 Robbins's definition and several other arguments of his Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science were in turn influenced by Ludwig von Mises's Epistemological Problems of Economics, first published in German in 1933, then in English in 1960. Most of its chapters had been published as articles between 1928 and 1931, and due to his participation in Mises's seminar in Vienna (Wasserman, Citation2019), Robbins was familiar with them before writing his Essay and acknowledges ‘especial indebtedness’ to Mises in the latter's preface. Still, Mises was not the only major influence, as emphasized by Howson (Citation2004) and Hands (Citation2009).14 It is for this reason that the art of political economy should complete the evaluations and prescriptions of normative economics with inputs from other social sciences.Additional informationNotes on contributorsSina BadieiSina Badiei is Junior Lecturer (Premier assistant) at the Center Walras-Pareto of the University of Lausanne, and Director of Program in the Philosophy and Human Sciences Department at the Collège International de Philosophie (Université Paris Lumières). He studied Electronic Engineering, Physics, Political Philosophy, Economics and the History and Philosophy of Science in the course of his several Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. He did his Ph.D. in the History, Philosophy and Epistemology of Economics. Entitled ‘Positive Economics and Normative Economics in Marx, Mises, Friedman and Popper’, it was defended in September 2020 and was the winner of the 2022 Best Dissertation Prize of the ‘Association Charles Gide pour l’Étude de la Pensée Économique’, awarded to the best dissertation on the history, epistemology or philosophy of economics defended between 1 January 2020 and 31 December 2021. His research deals with the theoretical and philosophical foundations of the normative positions and analyses of economists in the history of economic thought, especially in the Marxist and Neo-Ricardian schools, the Austrian school, the Chicago school and the Lausanne school. He also works on how norms and values are evaluated in contemporary normative economics (Welfare Economics, Social Choice Theory, the Capability Approach) and contemporary economic theories of justice. He has published two books, co-edited two collective books and co-edited a special issue of the journal Review of Economic Philosophy. Among his recent publications is the collective volume The Positive and the Normative in Economic Thought, which he co-edited for ‘Routledge INEM Advances in Economic Methodology’.","PeriodicalId":46507,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Economic Methodology","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"A contribution to scientific studies of norms in economics inspired by JN Keynes and popper\",\"authors\":\"Sina Badiei\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/1350178x.2023.2267075\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThis paper defends JN Keynes’s argument that normative economics can be objective. It begins by exploring Keynes’s view on the positive/normative distinction in economics. After discussing its originality and advantages, the paper recognizes that the Keynesian distinction does not explain the exact nature of the relationship between positive and normative economics. Thus, it tries to improve Keynes’s position using Popper’s contributions to economics. It shows that for Popper, advances in normative social science are the main steppingstone to resolving disagreements over the choice of the norms underlying the reform of social situations. The final two parts of the paper draw on the contributions of Keynes and Popper to the study of norms to explain why normative economics can more easily approach objectivity by concentrating on highly delimited topics. The last part relies on Popper’s concept of avoidable unhappiness to offer one method of restraining the tasks of normative economics.KEYWORDS: Positive economicsnormative economicsnorms and valuesepistemology of economicsphilosophy of economicsbasic needs AcknowledgementI want to express my gratitude to John Davis, Wade Hands and Élodie Bertrand for their invaluable comments on previous versions of this paper, and the editors of INEM 2021 Special Issue, Malte Dold, Merve Bornazoglu and Tyler Desroches, for their help and consideration. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge the immensely helpful comments and suggestions of two anonymous referees, which allowed me to improve the paper considerably. It goes without saying that I am responsible for any remaining shortcoming.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Hands (Citation2012) has argued in favor of distinguishing epistemic values that influence scientific work from non-epistemic norms that influence the actions of socio-economic agents in general (Citation2012, pp. 220–221). This article's focus is on non-epistemic, i.e., social and ethical norms, and it often follows Hands by distinguishing epistemic values from non-epistemic norms.2 Keynes's book is much more than a mere epistemological and methodological restatement of Marshall's economics, as proven by Marshall's not-very-enthusiastic comments on the book and Keynes's characterization of Marshall's views as ‘nearly always exaggerated on one side or the other’ (Deane, Citation2001, p. 138).3 For example, suppose we have a choice between two policies, A and B. Policy A allows the wealthiest person to gain the sum of x. After compensating the losers, he still gains the sum of y relative to the initial situation. Policy B allows the poorest person to gain the sum of x. After compensating the loser, who happens to be the richest person, she still gains the sum of y relative to the initial situation. Paretian welfare economics offers no guidance as to which of these policies should be adopted, leaving the decision to politicians, even though most practical cases of policymaking involve choosing between such alternatives.4 Had Keynes been aware of Walras's classification of economics, especially the distinction between the économie politique pure and the science morale pure (Dockès, Citation1996, pp. 37–59), he would have probably found them very useful and close to his distinction between positive and normative economics.5 In his writings, especially in Science and Values (Citation1984), Larry Laudan has offered engaging examinations of other models of explaining how disagreements at the factual and methodological levels are treated in science.6 By values, Putnam refers to both epistemic values and non-epistemic norms. He moreover criticizes those who make distinctions of different kinds between values and norms, such as Habermas (Putnam & Walsh, Citation2012, pp. 121–128).7 Even the works just mentioned, which have discussed Popper's normative writings, rarely focus on the relationship between Popper's contributions to normative questions and his writings on economic methodology and economic philosophy. It is worth noting that Popper often uses economics as a model for all social sciences (Popper, Citation1974/2005, p. 135; Popper, Citation1976, p. 103; Popper, Citation1994, p. 181).8 To be sure, some people may decide to impose their desired plan regardless of those of others. However, this attitude is totalitarian because it makes the desired plan of a limited group the only plan that matters. Avoiding this attitude by seeking to understand the existing situation and the plans of others is, therefore, a normative choice.9 Numerous scholars (Hands, Citation2001; Gorton, Citation2006; O’Gorman, Citation2008; Agassi, Citation2009) have already examined Popper's writings on situational analysis. Therefore, this article only discusses its resemblances and dissimilarities vis-à-vis other theoretical approaches in positive economics.10 Given the role of the institutionalist view in Popper's depiction of the tasks of positive social science, we can wonder whether his agreement with Hayek's characterization of economics (Popper, Citation1994, p. 181; Popper, Citation2012, pp. 403–404) is not rooted in his lack of solid knowledge of marginalism. It is worth mentioning that among neoclassical economists working on positive economics, game theorists embody the institutionalist view more than others, as the rules of the games play a determining role in how players’ strategies are explained.11 For Popper, ‘the use of violence is justified only under a tyranny’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360) because the latter ‘makes reforms without violence impossible’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360). Still, he reminds us that the use of violence in such cases ‘should have only one aim, that is, to bring about a state of affairs which makes reforms without violence possible’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360).12 I am grateful to one of the reviewers for recommending this paper to me.13 Robbins's definition and several other arguments of his Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science were in turn influenced by Ludwig von Mises's Epistemological Problems of Economics, first published in German in 1933, then in English in 1960. Most of its chapters had been published as articles between 1928 and 1931, and due to his participation in Mises's seminar in Vienna (Wasserman, Citation2019), Robbins was familiar with them before writing his Essay and acknowledges ‘especial indebtedness’ to Mises in the latter's preface. Still, Mises was not the only major influence, as emphasized by Howson (Citation2004) and Hands (Citation2009).14 It is for this reason that the art of political economy should complete the evaluations and prescriptions of normative economics with inputs from other social sciences.Additional informationNotes on contributorsSina BadieiSina Badiei is Junior Lecturer (Premier assistant) at the Center Walras-Pareto of the University of Lausanne, and Director of Program in the Philosophy and Human Sciences Department at the Collège International de Philosophie (Université Paris Lumières). He studied Electronic Engineering, Physics, Political Philosophy, Economics and the History and Philosophy of Science in the course of his several Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. He did his Ph.D. in the History, Philosophy and Epistemology of Economics. Entitled ‘Positive Economics and Normative Economics in Marx, Mises, Friedman and Popper’, it was defended in September 2020 and was the winner of the 2022 Best Dissertation Prize of the ‘Association Charles Gide pour l’Étude de la Pensée Économique’, awarded to the best dissertation on the history, epistemology or philosophy of economics defended between 1 January 2020 and 31 December 2021. His research deals with the theoretical and philosophical foundations of the normative positions and analyses of economists in the history of economic thought, especially in the Marxist and Neo-Ricardian schools, the Austrian school, the Chicago school and the Lausanne school. He also works on how norms and values are evaluated in contemporary normative economics (Welfare Economics, Social Choice Theory, the Capability Approach) and contemporary economic theories of justice. He has published two books, co-edited two collective books and co-edited a special issue of the journal Review of Economic Philosophy. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要本文对凯恩斯关于规范经济学可以是客观的观点进行了论证。它首先探索凯恩斯对经济学中积极/规范区别的看法。在讨论了它的原创性和优势之后,本文认识到凯恩斯主义的区分并没有解释积极经济学和规范经济学之间关系的确切性质。因此,它试图利用波普尔对经济学的贡献来改善凯恩斯的地位。这表明,对于波普尔来说,规范社会科学的进步是解决社会状况改革背后的规范选择分歧的主要垫脚石。论文的最后两部分借鉴了凯恩斯和波普尔对规范研究的贡献,以解释为什么规范经济学可以更容易地通过专注于高度界定的主题来接近客观性。最后一部分依靠波普尔的“可避免的不快乐”概念来提供一种约束规范经济学任务的方法。关键词:实证经济学规范经济学规范与价值经济学认识论经济学哲学基本需求致谢我要感谢John Davis, Wade Hands和Élodie Bertrand对本文前几版的宝贵意见,以及INEM 2021特刊的编辑Malte Dold, Merve Bornazoglu和Tyler Desroches的帮助和考虑。最后但并非最不重要的是,我要感谢两位匿名审稿人提供的非常有帮助的意见和建议,他们使我的论文得到了很大的改进。不用说,剩下的缺点都是我的责任。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Hands (Citation2012)主张将影响科学工作的认知价值与一般影响社会经济主体行为的非认知规范区分开来(Citation2012, pp. 220-221)。本文的重点是非认识论的,即社会和伦理规范,它经常通过区分认识论价值和非认识论规范来遵循汉兹凯恩斯的书不仅仅是对马歇尔经济学的认识论和方法论的重述,马歇尔对这本书的不太热情的评论和凯恩斯对马歇尔观点的描述“几乎总是在这一方面或另一方面被夸大了”证明了这一点(迪恩,引文2001,第138页)例如,假设我们在a和b两种策略之间做出选择。策略a允许最富有的人获得x的总和。在补偿了输家之后,他仍然获得相对于初始情况的y的总和。政策B允许最穷的人获得x的总和。在补偿了失败者(恰好是最富有的人)之后,她仍然获得相对于初始情况的y的总和。父母福利经济学没有提供应该采用哪一种政策的指导,而是把决定权留给了政治家,尽管大多数决策的实际案例都涉及在这两种选择之间做出选择如果凯恩斯知道瓦尔拉斯对经济学的分类,特别是纯粹的政治经济和纯粹的道德科学之间的区别(dock<e:1>,引文1996,第37-59页),他可能会发现它们非常有用,接近他对积极经济学和规范经济学的区分在他的著作中,特别是在《科学与价值》(Citation1984)中,拉里·劳丹对其他模型进行了引人入胜的考察,这些模型解释了在科学中如何处理事实和方法层面上的分歧帕特南所说的价值观既包括认知价值,也包括非认知规范。此外,他还批评了哈贝马斯(Putnam & Walsh, Citation2012, pp. 121-128)等人对价值和规范进行不同种类的区分即使是刚才提到的讨论了波普尔规范性著作的著作,也很少关注波普尔对规范性问题的贡献与他在经济方法论和经济哲学方面的著作之间的关系。值得注意的是,波普尔经常使用经济学作为所有社会科学的模型(波普尔,Citation1974/2005, p. 135;Popper, Citation1976,第103页;8 . Popper, Citation1994,第181页)可以肯定的是,有些人可能会决定不顾他人的意愿强行实施他们想要的计划。然而,这种态度是极权主义的,因为它使一个有限群体的理想计划成为唯一重要的计划。因此,通过设法了解现有情况和他人的计划来避免这种态度是一种规范的选择众多学者(Hands, Citation2001;戈顿,Citation2006;Citation2008奥格尔曼说道;Agassi, Citation2009)已经研究了波普尔关于情景分析的著作。因此,本文仅讨论其与-à-vis实证经济学中其他理论方法的异同。 考虑到制度主义观点在波普尔对实证社会科学任务的描述中所起的作用,我们可以怀疑他是否同意哈耶克对经济学的描述(波普尔,引文1994,第181页;波普尔,引文2012,第403-404页)不是植根于他缺乏扎实的知识的边缘主义。值得一提的是,在研究积极经济学的新古典经济学家中,博弈论理论家比其他人更能体现制度主义观点,因为游戏规则在如何解释参与者的策略方面起着决定性作用对于波普尔来说,“只有在暴政下使用暴力才是正当的”(Citation1945/2013, p. 360),因为后者“使得不使用暴力的改革成为不可能”(Citation1945/2013, p. 360)。然而,他提醒我们,在这种情况下使用暴力“应该只有一个目的,即带来一种使无暴力改革成为可能的事态”(Citation1945/2013, p. 360)我非常感谢其中一位审稿人向我推荐这篇论文罗宾斯的定义和他的《经济学的本质和意义》中的其他几个论点反过来又受到路德维希·冯·米塞斯的《经济学的认识论问题》的影响,该书于1933年首次以德语出版,然后于1960年以英语出版。它的大部分章节都是在1928年到1931年之间作为文章发表的,由于他参加了米塞斯在维也纳的研讨会(Wasserman, Citation2019),罗宾斯在写他的论文之前对它们很熟悉,并在米塞斯的序言中承认“特别欠米塞斯的债”。然而,正如豪森(Citation2004)和汉兹(Citation2009)所强调的那样,米塞斯并不是唯一的主要影响者正因为如此,政治经济学的艺术应该用其他社会科学的投入来完成规范经济学的评价和处方。sina Badiei是洛桑大学瓦尔拉斯-帕累托中心的初级讲师(首席助理),也是巴黎lumiires大学国际哲学学院哲学与人文科学系的项目主任。在他的几个学士和硕士学位期间,他学习了电子工程、物理学、政治哲学、经济学以及科学史和哲学。他的博士学位是经济学的历史、哲学和认识论。题为“马克思,米塞斯,弗里德曼和波普尔的实证经济学和规范经济学”,它于2020年9月进行了辩护,并获得了2022年“Charles Gide pour l ' Étude de la pens<s:1> Économique协会”最佳论文奖,该奖项授予了在2020年1月1日至2021年12月31日期间捍卫的历史,认识论或经济学哲学的最佳论文。他的研究涉及经济学家在经济思想史上的规范性立场和分析的理论和哲学基础,特别是马克思主义和新李嘉图学派、奥地利学派、芝加哥学派和洛桑学派。他还研究如何在当代规范经济学(福利经济学、社会选择理论、能力方法)和当代经济正义理论中评估规范和价值。他出版了两本书,合编了两本集体书籍,并合编了《经济哲学评论》杂志的一期特刊。在他最近的出版物中,他为“劳特利奇INEM经济方法论进展”合编了《经济思想中的积极和规范》一书。
A contribution to scientific studies of norms in economics inspired by JN Keynes and popper
ABSTRACTThis paper defends JN Keynes’s argument that normative economics can be objective. It begins by exploring Keynes’s view on the positive/normative distinction in economics. After discussing its originality and advantages, the paper recognizes that the Keynesian distinction does not explain the exact nature of the relationship between positive and normative economics. Thus, it tries to improve Keynes’s position using Popper’s contributions to economics. It shows that for Popper, advances in normative social science are the main steppingstone to resolving disagreements over the choice of the norms underlying the reform of social situations. The final two parts of the paper draw on the contributions of Keynes and Popper to the study of norms to explain why normative economics can more easily approach objectivity by concentrating on highly delimited topics. The last part relies on Popper’s concept of avoidable unhappiness to offer one method of restraining the tasks of normative economics.KEYWORDS: Positive economicsnormative economicsnorms and valuesepistemology of economicsphilosophy of economicsbasic needs AcknowledgementI want to express my gratitude to John Davis, Wade Hands and Élodie Bertrand for their invaluable comments on previous versions of this paper, and the editors of INEM 2021 Special Issue, Malte Dold, Merve Bornazoglu and Tyler Desroches, for their help and consideration. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge the immensely helpful comments and suggestions of two anonymous referees, which allowed me to improve the paper considerably. It goes without saying that I am responsible for any remaining shortcoming.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Hands (Citation2012) has argued in favor of distinguishing epistemic values that influence scientific work from non-epistemic norms that influence the actions of socio-economic agents in general (Citation2012, pp. 220–221). This article's focus is on non-epistemic, i.e., social and ethical norms, and it often follows Hands by distinguishing epistemic values from non-epistemic norms.2 Keynes's book is much more than a mere epistemological and methodological restatement of Marshall's economics, as proven by Marshall's not-very-enthusiastic comments on the book and Keynes's characterization of Marshall's views as ‘nearly always exaggerated on one side or the other’ (Deane, Citation2001, p. 138).3 For example, suppose we have a choice between two policies, A and B. Policy A allows the wealthiest person to gain the sum of x. After compensating the losers, he still gains the sum of y relative to the initial situation. Policy B allows the poorest person to gain the sum of x. After compensating the loser, who happens to be the richest person, she still gains the sum of y relative to the initial situation. Paretian welfare economics offers no guidance as to which of these policies should be adopted, leaving the decision to politicians, even though most practical cases of policymaking involve choosing between such alternatives.4 Had Keynes been aware of Walras's classification of economics, especially the distinction between the économie politique pure and the science morale pure (Dockès, Citation1996, pp. 37–59), he would have probably found them very useful and close to his distinction between positive and normative economics.5 In his writings, especially in Science and Values (Citation1984), Larry Laudan has offered engaging examinations of other models of explaining how disagreements at the factual and methodological levels are treated in science.6 By values, Putnam refers to both epistemic values and non-epistemic norms. He moreover criticizes those who make distinctions of different kinds between values and norms, such as Habermas (Putnam & Walsh, Citation2012, pp. 121–128).7 Even the works just mentioned, which have discussed Popper's normative writings, rarely focus on the relationship between Popper's contributions to normative questions and his writings on economic methodology and economic philosophy. It is worth noting that Popper often uses economics as a model for all social sciences (Popper, Citation1974/2005, p. 135; Popper, Citation1976, p. 103; Popper, Citation1994, p. 181).8 To be sure, some people may decide to impose their desired plan regardless of those of others. However, this attitude is totalitarian because it makes the desired plan of a limited group the only plan that matters. Avoiding this attitude by seeking to understand the existing situation and the plans of others is, therefore, a normative choice.9 Numerous scholars (Hands, Citation2001; Gorton, Citation2006; O’Gorman, Citation2008; Agassi, Citation2009) have already examined Popper's writings on situational analysis. Therefore, this article only discusses its resemblances and dissimilarities vis-à-vis other theoretical approaches in positive economics.10 Given the role of the institutionalist view in Popper's depiction of the tasks of positive social science, we can wonder whether his agreement with Hayek's characterization of economics (Popper, Citation1994, p. 181; Popper, Citation2012, pp. 403–404) is not rooted in his lack of solid knowledge of marginalism. It is worth mentioning that among neoclassical economists working on positive economics, game theorists embody the institutionalist view more than others, as the rules of the games play a determining role in how players’ strategies are explained.11 For Popper, ‘the use of violence is justified only under a tyranny’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360) because the latter ‘makes reforms without violence impossible’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360). Still, he reminds us that the use of violence in such cases ‘should have only one aim, that is, to bring about a state of affairs which makes reforms without violence possible’ (Citation1945/2013, p. 360).12 I am grateful to one of the reviewers for recommending this paper to me.13 Robbins's definition and several other arguments of his Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science were in turn influenced by Ludwig von Mises's Epistemological Problems of Economics, first published in German in 1933, then in English in 1960. Most of its chapters had been published as articles between 1928 and 1931, and due to his participation in Mises's seminar in Vienna (Wasserman, Citation2019), Robbins was familiar with them before writing his Essay and acknowledges ‘especial indebtedness’ to Mises in the latter's preface. Still, Mises was not the only major influence, as emphasized by Howson (Citation2004) and Hands (Citation2009).14 It is for this reason that the art of political economy should complete the evaluations and prescriptions of normative economics with inputs from other social sciences.Additional informationNotes on contributorsSina BadieiSina Badiei is Junior Lecturer (Premier assistant) at the Center Walras-Pareto of the University of Lausanne, and Director of Program in the Philosophy and Human Sciences Department at the Collège International de Philosophie (Université Paris Lumières). He studied Electronic Engineering, Physics, Political Philosophy, Economics and the History and Philosophy of Science in the course of his several Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. He did his Ph.D. in the History, Philosophy and Epistemology of Economics. Entitled ‘Positive Economics and Normative Economics in Marx, Mises, Friedman and Popper’, it was defended in September 2020 and was the winner of the 2022 Best Dissertation Prize of the ‘Association Charles Gide pour l’Étude de la Pensée Économique’, awarded to the best dissertation on the history, epistemology or philosophy of economics defended between 1 January 2020 and 31 December 2021. His research deals with the theoretical and philosophical foundations of the normative positions and analyses of economists in the history of economic thought, especially in the Marxist and Neo-Ricardian schools, the Austrian school, the Chicago school and the Lausanne school. He also works on how norms and values are evaluated in contemporary normative economics (Welfare Economics, Social Choice Theory, the Capability Approach) and contemporary economic theories of justice. He has published two books, co-edited two collective books and co-edited a special issue of the journal Review of Economic Philosophy. Among his recent publications is the collective volume The Positive and the Normative in Economic Thought, which he co-edited for ‘Routledge INEM Advances in Economic Methodology’.
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