{"title":"好贼的形象与中世纪晚期布道中的极端皈依","authors":"Jussi Hanska","doi":"10.1080/13660691.2023.2269063","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe Good Thief mentioned in Luke 23. 29–43 is an extreme example of the benefits of conversion. Yet he was not presented as an archetype of the penitent sinner; rather, that role was reserved for Mary Magdalene. This article studies the very few cases where the Good Thief, or St Dismas as he was also known, was discussed in medieval sermons. It also endeavours to explain the reasons why he was not considered a suitable role model for the penitent sinner. The discussion revolves around the contradictory requirements of the preachers. On one hand, they wanted to avoid driving sinners to despair by encouraging them to convert even if at the very end of life. On the other hand, they needed to emphasize the need to do penance now rather than postpone it for an uncertain future. This latter need was considered more important and that proved to be a crucial argument against using the Good Thief as an exemplary figure in the sermons.KEYWORDS: Christian preachingpenancethe Last Judgementhagiographyconversionsaintsrole model Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On the various names given to the Good Thief in early apocryphal literature, see B. M. Metzger, New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic, New Testament Tools and Studies, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1980), pp. 33–38.2 All the English language Bible texts in this article are taken from the King James Bible.3 B.M. Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons: Proceedings of the International Symposium (Kalamazoo, May 4–7, 1995), organised by the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society (IMSSS) ed. by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and others, Textes et études du Moyen Âge, 5 (Louvain-La-Neuve: FIDEM, 1996), pp. xi–xx (p. xii). See also George Ferzoco, ‘Sermon Literatures Concerning Medieval Saints’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 103–25 (pp. 104–05); Anne T. Thayer, ‘Intercessors, Examples and Rewards: The Roles of the Saints in the Penitential Themes of Representative Late Medieval Sermon Collections’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 339–54 (p. 347); André Vauchez, ‘Santi mirabili e santi imitabili: le nuove funzioni dell’agiografia negli ultimi secoli del medioevo’, in André Vauchez, Santi, profeti e visionary: Il soprannaturale nel medioevo (Bologna: Mulino, 2000), pp. 57–68.4 David d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 50–51.5 Kate Ludwig Jansen, The Making of Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 203–04. One could add one important figure to Jansen’s list, namely the prodigal son. Using the story of the prodigal son to explain the different stages of the penitential process or indeed, using him as an exemplary penitent, was a common topic in the sermons for the Saturday after the second Sunday of Lent. See Pietro Delcorno, In the Mirror of the Prodigal Son: The Pastoral Uses of a Biblical Narrative (c. 1200–1550), Commentaria, 9 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), passim. On the role of Magdalene, see also Katherine L. Jansen, ‘Mary Magdalen and the Mendicants: The Preaching of Penance in the Late Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval History, 21 (1995), 1–25; Clare M. Kudera, ‘Models of Monastic Devotion in Peter of Celle’s Sermons for the Feast of Mary Magdalene’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 67–84; Anne T. Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Coming of the Reformation (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), pp. 83-91. On the history and diffusion of the cult of Magdalene, see Victor Saxer, Le culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge (Paris: Clavreuil, 1959).6 Kara Ann Morrow, ’Disputation in Stone: Jews Imagined on the St. Stephen Portal of Paris Cathedral’, in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. by Mitchell B. Merback, Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies, 37 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 63–86 (p. 65).7 St Dismas’s cult developed mainly in southern Italy and in Valencia. It was not known in the German lands before the sixteenth century; see Mitchell B. Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel: Pain and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (London: Reaction Books, 1999), p. 224.8 Johannes Baptist Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen sermones des Mittelalters, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters, 43, 11 vols (Münster: Aschendorffsce Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1969–90), iii (1971), 23, no. 258; vi (1975), 258, no. 33 and 418, no. 36; viii (1978), 561, no. 124.9 Schneyer, Repertorium, ii (1970), 317, no. 450.10 Charles Muniere, ‘Introduction’, in Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, ed. by Charles Munier, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 242 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 177–78. There was another manuscript in Cologne, but it was destroyed in the aftermath of the Second World War.11 Schneyer, Repertorium, ii (1970), 317, no. 449; vi (1975), 515, no. 12.12 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Lat. 14953, fols 29r–31r.13 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30r.14 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30r.15 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30v.16 Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, Dominica in septuagesima, sermo tertius (Deventer: Richard Paffraet, 1483), fol. e7v.17 Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore. Dominica in septuagesima, sermo tertius, fol. e8v: ‘Quinto ponitur penitentium magna consolatio cum dicitur “Sic erunt novissimi primi”. Sepe enim illi qui penitentiam tarde veniunt citius demunerantur quam illi que tempestive vemiunt, quia citius de corpore exiviunt. Citius enim latro est remuneratus quam Petrus’ [‘The fifth is the great consolation of those who do penance of which it is said: “So the last shall be first”. For it is so that often those who come to penance late are remunerated faster because they leave their [earthly] bodies more quickly. The thief was remunerated more quickly than Peter’].18 Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. by Giovanni Paolo Maggioni (Firenze: Sismel, 1998), p. 336.19 Giordano da Pisa, Quaresimale Fiorentino 1305–1306, ed. by Carlo Delcorno (Firenze: Sansoni, 1974), p. 74.20 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. and trans. by Siegfried Wenzel (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), p. 463. Fasciculus morum is an early fourteenth-century preacher’s handbook on the seven capital sins and their opposing virtues, apparently of Franciscan authorship. It survives in twenty-eight known manuscripts, almost all of them in England or of English origin. Each sin and each virtue cover one chapter. Chapters include basic theological information on the vice or virtue in question and a collection of exemplum stories to be used when preaching on that sin or virtue; see ‘Introduction’, in Fasciculus morum, ed. and trans. by Wenzel, pp. 1-23.21 L. Kretzenbacher, ‘St Dismas, der rechte Schächer. Legenden, Kultstätten und Verehrungsformen in Innerösterreich’, Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereinis für Steiermark, 42 (1951), 119–39 (pp. 119–20); Z. Izydorczyk, ‘Introduction’, in The Medieval Gospels of Nicodemus: Texts, Intertexts, and Contexts in Western Europe, ed. by Zbigniew Izydorczyk, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 158 (Tempe, Arizona: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1997), pp. 1–19 (pp. 6–9); Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, p. 24. On the history of the Syriac Gospel of Infancy, see The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, ed. by J. K. Elliot (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 100–01; I Vangeli apocrifi, ed. by Marcello Craveri (Torino: Einaudi, 1990), pp. 113–14.22 Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, p. 221.23 Guilielmi Peraldi, Summae virtutum ac vitiorum, tomus II (Paris: Rodulphus Clutius, 1629), p. 205.24 Janet Robson, ‘Judas and the Franciscans: Perfidy Pictured in Lorenzetti’s Passion Cycle at Assisi’, The Art Bulletin, 86 (2004), 31–57 (p. 32).25 Peraldi, Summae virtutum, ii, 182–97.26 Peraldi, Summae virtutum, ii, 286.27 Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium, ed. by A. G. Little, British Society for Franciscan Studies, 1 (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1908), pp. 62–67. As the name indicates, Liber exemplorum was a collection of exemplum stories meant for preaching. The author was an anonymous English Franciscan friar. Based upon the internal evidence gathered from the text, Liber exemplorum was written between 1270 and 1279. It survives in just one manuscript; ‘Introduction’, in Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium, ed. by Little, pp. v–ix.28 Le Speculum laicorum: Edition d’une collection d’exempla, composée en Angleterre à la fin du xiiie siècle, ed. by J. Th. Welter (Paris: Picard, 1914), pp. 28–32. Speculum laicorum was an exemplum collection meant to be used by the preachers. It was written by an anonymous English Franciscan friar towards the end of the thirteenth century. It survives in sixteen manuscripts, all located in the British Isles; ‘Introduction’, in Le Speculum laicorum, ed. by Welter, pp. iii–xviii.29 Fasciculus morum, ed. and trans. by Wenzl, pp. 483–91.30 See Frederic C. Tubach, Index exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales. FF Communications, 204 (Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1981), nos 4075–78.31 It seems that Nicholas was friar at the convent at King’s Lynn but nothing else is known of him; see Holly Johnson, The Grammar of Good Friday: Macaronic Sermons of Late Medieval England, Sermo, 8 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), p. 375.32 Quoted in Johnson, The Grammar of Good Friday, pp. 422–23.33 Sermoni del B. Bernardino da Feltre nella redazione di Fr. Bernardino Bulgarino da Brescia: Il quaresimale di Pavia del 1493, ed. by P. Carlo da Milano, Biblioteca di Testi Medievali, 12 (Milano: Vita e pensiero, 1940), p. 102.34 M. de Kroon, ‘Pseudo-Augustin im Mittelalter: Entwurf eines Forschungsberichts’, Augustiniana, 22 (1972), 511–30 (pp. 521–22); Carlo Delcorno, ‘Nuovi studi sull’ «exemplum»: Rassegna’, Lettere Italiane, 46 (1994), 459–97 (p. 496).35 Larissa Taylor, Soldiers of Christ: Preaching in Late Medieval and Reformation France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 129.36 Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Reformation, pp. 59–60.37 See for example Tubach, Index exemplorum, nos 232, 1492, 1501, 4405, 5131, and 5137.38 Aron Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 139.39 Guibert de Tournai, De septem verbis Domini in cruce, Sermo iv. See Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, p. 236.40 Guibert de Tournai, De septem verbis Domini in cruce, Sermo iv. See Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, pp. 242–44. The quote is on p. 242.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJussi HanskaJussi Hanska (jussi.hanska@tuni.fi) is a university lecturer in the didactics of History and the Social Sciences at the Tampere University, Finland and the member of Trivium – Tampere Centre for Classical, Medieval, and Early Modern Studies.","PeriodicalId":38182,"journal":{"name":"Medieval Sermon Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Figure of the Good Thief and Conversion <i>in extremis</i> in Late Medieval Preaching\",\"authors\":\"Jussi Hanska\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/13660691.2023.2269063\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThe Good Thief mentioned in Luke 23. 29–43 is an extreme example of the benefits of conversion. Yet he was not presented as an archetype of the penitent sinner; rather, that role was reserved for Mary Magdalene. This article studies the very few cases where the Good Thief, or St Dismas as he was also known, was discussed in medieval sermons. It also endeavours to explain the reasons why he was not considered a suitable role model for the penitent sinner. The discussion revolves around the contradictory requirements of the preachers. On one hand, they wanted to avoid driving sinners to despair by encouraging them to convert even if at the very end of life. On the other hand, they needed to emphasize the need to do penance now rather than postpone it for an uncertain future. This latter need was considered more important and that proved to be a crucial argument against using the Good Thief as an exemplary figure in the sermons.KEYWORDS: Christian preachingpenancethe Last Judgementhagiographyconversionsaintsrole model Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On the various names given to the Good Thief in early apocryphal literature, see B. M. Metzger, New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic, New Testament Tools and Studies, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1980), pp. 33–38.2 All the English language Bible texts in this article are taken from the King James Bible.3 B.M. Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons: Proceedings of the International Symposium (Kalamazoo, May 4–7, 1995), organised by the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society (IMSSS) ed. by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and others, Textes et études du Moyen Âge, 5 (Louvain-La-Neuve: FIDEM, 1996), pp. xi–xx (p. xii). See also George Ferzoco, ‘Sermon Literatures Concerning Medieval Saints’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 103–25 (pp. 104–05); Anne T. Thayer, ‘Intercessors, Examples and Rewards: The Roles of the Saints in the Penitential Themes of Representative Late Medieval Sermon Collections’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 339–54 (p. 347); André Vauchez, ‘Santi mirabili e santi imitabili: le nuove funzioni dell’agiografia negli ultimi secoli del medioevo’, in André Vauchez, Santi, profeti e visionary: Il soprannaturale nel medioevo (Bologna: Mulino, 2000), pp. 57–68.4 David d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 50–51.5 Kate Ludwig Jansen, The Making of Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 203–04. One could add one important figure to Jansen’s list, namely the prodigal son. Using the story of the prodigal son to explain the different stages of the penitential process or indeed, using him as an exemplary penitent, was a common topic in the sermons for the Saturday after the second Sunday of Lent. See Pietro Delcorno, In the Mirror of the Prodigal Son: The Pastoral Uses of a Biblical Narrative (c. 1200–1550), Commentaria, 9 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), passim. On the role of Magdalene, see also Katherine L. Jansen, ‘Mary Magdalen and the Mendicants: The Preaching of Penance in the Late Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval History, 21 (1995), 1–25; Clare M. Kudera, ‘Models of Monastic Devotion in Peter of Celle’s Sermons for the Feast of Mary Magdalene’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 67–84; Anne T. Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Coming of the Reformation (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), pp. 83-91. On the history and diffusion of the cult of Magdalene, see Victor Saxer, Le culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge (Paris: Clavreuil, 1959).6 Kara Ann Morrow, ’Disputation in Stone: Jews Imagined on the St. Stephen Portal of Paris Cathedral’, in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. by Mitchell B. Merback, Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies, 37 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 63–86 (p. 65).7 St Dismas’s cult developed mainly in southern Italy and in Valencia. It was not known in the German lands before the sixteenth century; see Mitchell B. Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel: Pain and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (London: Reaction Books, 1999), p. 224.8 Johannes Baptist Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen sermones des Mittelalters, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters, 43, 11 vols (Münster: Aschendorffsce Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1969–90), iii (1971), 23, no. 258; vi (1975), 258, no. 33 and 418, no. 36; viii (1978), 561, no. 124.9 Schneyer, Repertorium, ii (1970), 317, no. 450.10 Charles Muniere, ‘Introduction’, in Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, ed. by Charles Munier, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 242 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 177–78. There was another manuscript in Cologne, but it was destroyed in the aftermath of the Second World War.11 Schneyer, Repertorium, ii (1970), 317, no. 449; vi (1975), 515, no. 12.12 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Lat. 14953, fols 29r–31r.13 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30r.14 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30r.15 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30v.16 Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, Dominica in septuagesima, sermo tertius (Deventer: Richard Paffraet, 1483), fol. e7v.17 Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore. Dominica in septuagesima, sermo tertius, fol. e8v: ‘Quinto ponitur penitentium magna consolatio cum dicitur “Sic erunt novissimi primi”. Sepe enim illi qui penitentiam tarde veniunt citius demunerantur quam illi que tempestive vemiunt, quia citius de corpore exiviunt. Citius enim latro est remuneratus quam Petrus’ [‘The fifth is the great consolation of those who do penance of which it is said: “So the last shall be first”. For it is so that often those who come to penance late are remunerated faster because they leave their [earthly] bodies more quickly. The thief was remunerated more quickly than Peter’].18 Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. by Giovanni Paolo Maggioni (Firenze: Sismel, 1998), p. 336.19 Giordano da Pisa, Quaresimale Fiorentino 1305–1306, ed. by Carlo Delcorno (Firenze: Sansoni, 1974), p. 74.20 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. and trans. by Siegfried Wenzel (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), p. 463. Fasciculus morum is an early fourteenth-century preacher’s handbook on the seven capital sins and their opposing virtues, apparently of Franciscan authorship. It survives in twenty-eight known manuscripts, almost all of them in England or of English origin. Each sin and each virtue cover one chapter. Chapters include basic theological information on the vice or virtue in question and a collection of exemplum stories to be used when preaching on that sin or virtue; see ‘Introduction’, in Fasciculus morum, ed. and trans. by Wenzel, pp. 1-23.21 L. Kretzenbacher, ‘St Dismas, der rechte Schächer. Legenden, Kultstätten und Verehrungsformen in Innerösterreich’, Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereinis für Steiermark, 42 (1951), 119–39 (pp. 119–20); Z. Izydorczyk, ‘Introduction’, in The Medieval Gospels of Nicodemus: Texts, Intertexts, and Contexts in Western Europe, ed. by Zbigniew Izydorczyk, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 158 (Tempe, Arizona: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1997), pp. 1–19 (pp. 6–9); Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, p. 24. On the history of the Syriac Gospel of Infancy, see The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, ed. by J. K. Elliot (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 100–01; I Vangeli apocrifi, ed. by Marcello Craveri (Torino: Einaudi, 1990), pp. 113–14.22 Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, p. 221.23 Guilielmi Peraldi, Summae virtutum ac vitiorum, tomus II (Paris: Rodulphus Clutius, 1629), p. 205.24 Janet Robson, ‘Judas and the Franciscans: Perfidy Pictured in Lorenzetti’s Passion Cycle at Assisi’, The Art Bulletin, 86 (2004), 31–57 (p. 32).25 Peraldi, Summae virtutum, ii, 182–97.26 Peraldi, Summae virtutum, ii, 286.27 Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium, ed. by A. G. Little, British Society for Franciscan Studies, 1 (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1908), pp. 62–67. As the name indicates, Liber exemplorum was a collection of exemplum stories meant for preaching. The author was an anonymous English Franciscan friar. Based upon the internal evidence gathered from the text, Liber exemplorum was written between 1270 and 1279. It survives in just one manuscript; ‘Introduction’, in Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium, ed. by Little, pp. v–ix.28 Le Speculum laicorum: Edition d’une collection d’exempla, composée en Angleterre à la fin du xiiie siècle, ed. by J. Th. Welter (Paris: Picard, 1914), pp. 28–32. Speculum laicorum was an exemplum collection meant to be used by the preachers. It was written by an anonymous English Franciscan friar towards the end of the thirteenth century. It survives in sixteen manuscripts, all located in the British Isles; ‘Introduction’, in Le Speculum laicorum, ed. by Welter, pp. iii–xviii.29 Fasciculus morum, ed. and trans. by Wenzl, pp. 483–91.30 See Frederic C. Tubach, Index exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales. FF Communications, 204 (Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1981), nos 4075–78.31 It seems that Nicholas was friar at the convent at King’s Lynn but nothing else is known of him; see Holly Johnson, The Grammar of Good Friday: Macaronic Sermons of Late Medieval England, Sermo, 8 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), p. 375.32 Quoted in Johnson, The Grammar of Good Friday, pp. 422–23.33 Sermoni del B. Bernardino da Feltre nella redazione di Fr. Bernardino Bulgarino da Brescia: Il quaresimale di Pavia del 1493, ed. by P. Carlo da Milano, Biblioteca di Testi Medievali, 12 (Milano: Vita e pensiero, 1940), p. 102.34 M. de Kroon, ‘Pseudo-Augustin im Mittelalter: Entwurf eines Forschungsberichts’, Augustiniana, 22 (1972), 511–30 (pp. 521–22); Carlo Delcorno, ‘Nuovi studi sull’ «exemplum»: Rassegna’, Lettere Italiane, 46 (1994), 459–97 (p. 496).35 Larissa Taylor, Soldiers of Christ: Preaching in Late Medieval and Reformation France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 129.36 Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Reformation, pp. 59–60.37 See for example Tubach, Index exemplorum, nos 232, 1492, 1501, 4405, 5131, and 5137.38 Aron Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 139.39 Guibert de Tournai, De septem verbis Domini in cruce, Sermo iv. See Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, p. 236.40 Guibert de Tournai, De septem verbis Domini in cruce, Sermo iv. See Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, pp. 242–44. The quote is on p. 242.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJussi HanskaJussi Hanska (jussi.hanska@tuni.fi) is a university lecturer in the didactics of History and the Social Sciences at the Tampere University, Finland and the member of Trivium – Tampere Centre for Classical, Medieval, and Early Modern Studies.\",\"PeriodicalId\":38182,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Medieval Sermon Studies\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.1000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-18\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Medieval Sermon Studies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2023.2269063\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"RELIGION\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Medieval Sermon Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2023.2269063","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"RELIGION","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
路加福音23章提到的好贼。29-43是皈依的一个极端例子。然而,他并没有被描绘成一个忏悔的罪人的原型;相反,这个角色留给了抹大拉的马利亚。这篇文章研究了中世纪布道中讨论好贼或圣迪斯马斯的极少数情况。它还试图解释为什么他不被认为是忏悔者的合适榜样的原因。讨论围绕着传教士相互矛盾的要求展开。一方面,他们希望通过鼓励罪人即使在生命的最后时刻也要皈依,避免把他们推向绝望。另一方面,他们需要强调现在就进行忏悔的必要性,而不是把它推迟到不确定的未来。后一种需要被认为更重要,这被证明是反对在布道中使用好贼作为模范人物的关键论据。关键词:基督教布道、忏悔、最后的审判、圣经、皈依、圣徒、榜样披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1关于早期伪经文献中给好贼的各种名称,见B.M. Metzger,新约研究:语言学,版本学和教父学,新约工具和研究,10(莱顿:Brill, 1980),第33-38.2页。本文中的所有英文圣经文本都取自詹姆斯国王钦定版圣经。国际研讨会论文集(卡拉马祖,1995年5月4-7日),由国际中世纪布道研究学会(IMSSS)编著,Beverly Mayne Kienzle等人组织,Textes et Âge, 5 (louvan - la - neuve: FIDEM, 1996),第xi-xx页(第xii页).另见George Ferzoco,“关于中世纪圣徒的布道文献”,载于由Kienzle等人编著的中世纪布道中的圣洁模式,第103-25页(第104-05页);Anne T. Thayer,“代祷者,榜样和回报:圣徒在中世纪晚期有代表性的布道集中的忏悔主题中的角色”,《中世纪布道中的圣洁模式》,Kienzle等人编,第339-54页(第347页);安德烈·瓦切斯,《圣不可思议的圣不可模仿的圣》,载于安德烈·瓦切斯,圣蒂,《幻想的圣自然的圣》(博洛尼亚:穆利诺出版社,2000年),第57-68.4页。大卫·德·阿夫雷,《修士的讲道:1300年前从巴黎传播的布道》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1985年),第50-51.5页。普林斯顿大学出版社,2000),第203-04页。我们可以在詹森的名单上加上一个重要的人物,那就是浪子回头。用浪子回头的故事来解释忏悔过程的不同阶段,或者确切地说,把他作为忏悔者的典范,是四旬期第二个主日之后的周六布道中的一个常见话题。参见Pietro Delcorno,在浪子的镜子里:圣经叙事的牧区用途(约1200-1550),注释,9(莱顿:Brill, 2018), passim。关于抹大拉的作用,参见Katherine L. Jansen,“抹大拉玛利亚和乞丐:中世纪晚期的忏悔布道”,《中世纪历史杂志》,21 (1995),1-25;克莱尔·m·库德拉,《彼得·塞勒为抹大拉的玛利亚盛宴所作的布道中的修士奉献模式》,载于《中世纪布道中的圣洁模式》,金兹勒等人编,第67-84页;安妮·t·塞耶:《忏悔、讲道与宗教改革的到来》(奥尔德肖特:阿什盖特出版社,2002),第83-91页。关于抹大拉崇拜的历史和传播,见维克多·萨克斯,《西方起源的玛丽·玛德琳崇拜》(巴黎:Clavreuil, 1959)卡拉·安·莫罗,《石头上的争论:巴黎大教堂圣斯蒂芬门上想象的犹太人》,载于《超越黄色徽章:中世纪和早期现代视觉文化中的反犹太教和反犹主义》,米切尔·b·默巴克主编,布里尔犹太研究系列,37(莱顿:布里尔,2008),第63-86页(第65页)圣迪斯马斯的邪教主要在意大利南部和瓦伦西亚发展起来。在16世纪之前,它在德国并不为人所知;参见Mitchell B. Merback,小偷,十字架和轮子:中世纪和文艺复兴时期欧洲的痛苦和惩罚的景观(伦敦:反动书籍,1999),第224.8页。Johannes Baptist Schneyer,《后期训诫汇编》,Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie and Theologie des Mittelalters, 43,11卷(m<s:1> nster: Aschendorffsce verlagshbuchhandlung, 1969-90), iii(1971), 23号。258;Vi(1975), 258号。33和418,不是。36个;Viii(1978), 561号。124.9施奈尔,《汇编》ii(1970),第317号。450.10 Charles Muniere,“导论”,载于《Gviberti Tornacensis De morte》,《De九月verbis dominis in services》,编。 32 Quoted约翰逊,The文法of Good星期五布道,第422—23页。33的B .贝纳迪诺Feltre起草Fr。贝纳迪诺Bulgarino从布雷西亚的帕维亚:quaresimale 1493,查尔斯。由P。中世纪的文本从米兰、图书馆、12(米兰:生活和思想,1940年),第102页。34 M . de克朗,‘Pseudo-Augustin im Mittelalter: Entwurf eines Forschungsberichts’Augustiniana、22、(1972年)、511—30(第521—22页);卡洛·德尔科诺,“关于exemplum的新研究”,意大利信件,46(1994),459 - 97(第496页)又发生of暂拉里萨·泰勒:Preaching延迟Medieval和法国入学(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1992年),第129页。36 Thayer, Penitence、Preaching and the入学)、欧洲经济区第59—60页。37 for example Tubach Index exemplorum、nos 1492 232, 1501 4405、5131 and 5137。38阿伦·Gurevich, Medieval Popular文化问题of religion and Perception(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,1988),第139页。39 Guibert de图尔奈,de septem这些域名cruce, Sermo iv . eea Gviberti Tornacensis de死亡,de septem很清楚在crvce域名,第236页。40 Guibert图尔奈,de septem这些域名cruce, Sermo iv . eea Gviberti Tornacensis de死亡,de septem很清楚在crvce域名,第242—44页。配额在第242页。贡献的高级信息笔记(jussi HanskaJussi Hanska (jussi.hanska@tuni.fi)是坦佩尔大学历史和社会科学的学术讲师。
The Figure of the Good Thief and Conversion in extremis in Late Medieval Preaching
ABSTRACTThe Good Thief mentioned in Luke 23. 29–43 is an extreme example of the benefits of conversion. Yet he was not presented as an archetype of the penitent sinner; rather, that role was reserved for Mary Magdalene. This article studies the very few cases where the Good Thief, or St Dismas as he was also known, was discussed in medieval sermons. It also endeavours to explain the reasons why he was not considered a suitable role model for the penitent sinner. The discussion revolves around the contradictory requirements of the preachers. On one hand, they wanted to avoid driving sinners to despair by encouraging them to convert even if at the very end of life. On the other hand, they needed to emphasize the need to do penance now rather than postpone it for an uncertain future. This latter need was considered more important and that proved to be a crucial argument against using the Good Thief as an exemplary figure in the sermons.KEYWORDS: Christian preachingpenancethe Last Judgementhagiographyconversionsaintsrole model Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On the various names given to the Good Thief in early apocryphal literature, see B. M. Metzger, New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic, New Testament Tools and Studies, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1980), pp. 33–38.2 All the English language Bible texts in this article are taken from the King James Bible.3 B.M. Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons: Proceedings of the International Symposium (Kalamazoo, May 4–7, 1995), organised by the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society (IMSSS) ed. by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and others, Textes et études du Moyen Âge, 5 (Louvain-La-Neuve: FIDEM, 1996), pp. xi–xx (p. xii). See also George Ferzoco, ‘Sermon Literatures Concerning Medieval Saints’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 103–25 (pp. 104–05); Anne T. Thayer, ‘Intercessors, Examples and Rewards: The Roles of the Saints in the Penitential Themes of Representative Late Medieval Sermon Collections’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 339–54 (p. 347); André Vauchez, ‘Santi mirabili e santi imitabili: le nuove funzioni dell’agiografia negli ultimi secoli del medioevo’, in André Vauchez, Santi, profeti e visionary: Il soprannaturale nel medioevo (Bologna: Mulino, 2000), pp. 57–68.4 David d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 50–51.5 Kate Ludwig Jansen, The Making of Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 203–04. One could add one important figure to Jansen’s list, namely the prodigal son. Using the story of the prodigal son to explain the different stages of the penitential process or indeed, using him as an exemplary penitent, was a common topic in the sermons for the Saturday after the second Sunday of Lent. See Pietro Delcorno, In the Mirror of the Prodigal Son: The Pastoral Uses of a Biblical Narrative (c. 1200–1550), Commentaria, 9 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), passim. On the role of Magdalene, see also Katherine L. Jansen, ‘Mary Magdalen and the Mendicants: The Preaching of Penance in the Late Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval History, 21 (1995), 1–25; Clare M. Kudera, ‘Models of Monastic Devotion in Peter of Celle’s Sermons for the Feast of Mary Magdalene’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 67–84; Anne T. Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Coming of the Reformation (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), pp. 83-91. On the history and diffusion of the cult of Magdalene, see Victor Saxer, Le culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge (Paris: Clavreuil, 1959).6 Kara Ann Morrow, ’Disputation in Stone: Jews Imagined on the St. Stephen Portal of Paris Cathedral’, in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. by Mitchell B. Merback, Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies, 37 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 63–86 (p. 65).7 St Dismas’s cult developed mainly in southern Italy and in Valencia. It was not known in the German lands before the sixteenth century; see Mitchell B. Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel: Pain and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (London: Reaction Books, 1999), p. 224.8 Johannes Baptist Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen sermones des Mittelalters, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters, 43, 11 vols (Münster: Aschendorffsce Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1969–90), iii (1971), 23, no. 258; vi (1975), 258, no. 33 and 418, no. 36; viii (1978), 561, no. 124.9 Schneyer, Repertorium, ii (1970), 317, no. 450.10 Charles Muniere, ‘Introduction’, in Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, ed. by Charles Munier, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 242 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 177–78. There was another manuscript in Cologne, but it was destroyed in the aftermath of the Second World War.11 Schneyer, Repertorium, ii (1970), 317, no. 449; vi (1975), 515, no. 12.12 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS Lat. 14953, fols 29r–31r.13 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30r.14 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30r.15 Anonymous, Sermo in Dominica Passionis, fol. 30v.16 Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, Dominica in septuagesima, sermo tertius (Deventer: Richard Paffraet, 1483), fol. e7v.17 Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore. Dominica in septuagesima, sermo tertius, fol. e8v: ‘Quinto ponitur penitentium magna consolatio cum dicitur “Sic erunt novissimi primi”. Sepe enim illi qui penitentiam tarde veniunt citius demunerantur quam illi que tempestive vemiunt, quia citius de corpore exiviunt. Citius enim latro est remuneratus quam Petrus’ [‘The fifth is the great consolation of those who do penance of which it is said: “So the last shall be first”. For it is so that often those who come to penance late are remunerated faster because they leave their [earthly] bodies more quickly. The thief was remunerated more quickly than Peter’].18 Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. by Giovanni Paolo Maggioni (Firenze: Sismel, 1998), p. 336.19 Giordano da Pisa, Quaresimale Fiorentino 1305–1306, ed. by Carlo Delcorno (Firenze: Sansoni, 1974), p. 74.20 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. and trans. by Siegfried Wenzel (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), p. 463. Fasciculus morum is an early fourteenth-century preacher’s handbook on the seven capital sins and their opposing virtues, apparently of Franciscan authorship. It survives in twenty-eight known manuscripts, almost all of them in England or of English origin. Each sin and each virtue cover one chapter. Chapters include basic theological information on the vice or virtue in question and a collection of exemplum stories to be used when preaching on that sin or virtue; see ‘Introduction’, in Fasciculus morum, ed. and trans. by Wenzel, pp. 1-23.21 L. Kretzenbacher, ‘St Dismas, der rechte Schächer. Legenden, Kultstätten und Verehrungsformen in Innerösterreich’, Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereinis für Steiermark, 42 (1951), 119–39 (pp. 119–20); Z. Izydorczyk, ‘Introduction’, in The Medieval Gospels of Nicodemus: Texts, Intertexts, and Contexts in Western Europe, ed. by Zbigniew Izydorczyk, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 158 (Tempe, Arizona: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1997), pp. 1–19 (pp. 6–9); Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, p. 24. On the history of the Syriac Gospel of Infancy, see The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, ed. by J. K. Elliot (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 100–01; I Vangeli apocrifi, ed. by Marcello Craveri (Torino: Einaudi, 1990), pp. 113–14.22 Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, p. 221.23 Guilielmi Peraldi, Summae virtutum ac vitiorum, tomus II (Paris: Rodulphus Clutius, 1629), p. 205.24 Janet Robson, ‘Judas and the Franciscans: Perfidy Pictured in Lorenzetti’s Passion Cycle at Assisi’, The Art Bulletin, 86 (2004), 31–57 (p. 32).25 Peraldi, Summae virtutum, ii, 182–97.26 Peraldi, Summae virtutum, ii, 286.27 Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium, ed. by A. G. Little, British Society for Franciscan Studies, 1 (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1908), pp. 62–67. As the name indicates, Liber exemplorum was a collection of exemplum stories meant for preaching. The author was an anonymous English Franciscan friar. Based upon the internal evidence gathered from the text, Liber exemplorum was written between 1270 and 1279. It survives in just one manuscript; ‘Introduction’, in Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium, ed. by Little, pp. v–ix.28 Le Speculum laicorum: Edition d’une collection d’exempla, composée en Angleterre à la fin du xiiie siècle, ed. by J. Th. Welter (Paris: Picard, 1914), pp. 28–32. Speculum laicorum was an exemplum collection meant to be used by the preachers. It was written by an anonymous English Franciscan friar towards the end of the thirteenth century. It survives in sixteen manuscripts, all located in the British Isles; ‘Introduction’, in Le Speculum laicorum, ed. by Welter, pp. iii–xviii.29 Fasciculus morum, ed. and trans. by Wenzl, pp. 483–91.30 See Frederic C. Tubach, Index exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales. FF Communications, 204 (Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1981), nos 4075–78.31 It seems that Nicholas was friar at the convent at King’s Lynn but nothing else is known of him; see Holly Johnson, The Grammar of Good Friday: Macaronic Sermons of Late Medieval England, Sermo, 8 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), p. 375.32 Quoted in Johnson, The Grammar of Good Friday, pp. 422–23.33 Sermoni del B. Bernardino da Feltre nella redazione di Fr. Bernardino Bulgarino da Brescia: Il quaresimale di Pavia del 1493, ed. by P. Carlo da Milano, Biblioteca di Testi Medievali, 12 (Milano: Vita e pensiero, 1940), p. 102.34 M. de Kroon, ‘Pseudo-Augustin im Mittelalter: Entwurf eines Forschungsberichts’, Augustiniana, 22 (1972), 511–30 (pp. 521–22); Carlo Delcorno, ‘Nuovi studi sull’ «exemplum»: Rassegna’, Lettere Italiane, 46 (1994), 459–97 (p. 496).35 Larissa Taylor, Soldiers of Christ: Preaching in Late Medieval and Reformation France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 129.36 Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Reformation, pp. 59–60.37 See for example Tubach, Index exemplorum, nos 232, 1492, 1501, 4405, 5131, and 5137.38 Aron Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 139.39 Guibert de Tournai, De septem verbis Domini in cruce, Sermo iv. See Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, p. 236.40 Guibert de Tournai, De septem verbis Domini in cruce, Sermo iv. See Gviberti Tornacensis De morte, De septem verbis Domini in crvce, pp. 242–44. The quote is on p. 242.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJussi HanskaJussi Hanska (jussi.hanska@tuni.fi) is a university lecturer in the didactics of History and the Social Sciences at the Tampere University, Finland and the member of Trivium – Tampere Centre for Classical, Medieval, and Early Modern Studies.