博科圣地:绑架是戏剧

IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Emma Leonard Boyle
{"title":"博科圣地:绑架是戏剧","authors":"Emma Leonard Boyle","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2253800","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn this paper I explore one specific type of violence that has not been the focus of significant research within Political Science: the kidnapping of girls and young women as an act of retaliation or revenge against the government. I argue that, through the dramatic kidnappings of significant numbers of young women and girls, Boko Haram is extracting revenge against the government for its policy of detaining female family members of Boko Haram members, including its leaders. Boko Haram is also using this to signal strength to both the government and the Nigerian population. In this paper, I compare the violence of Boko Haram in a time of strength (January 2014–March 2015) to the violence inflicted in a time of weakness (January–December 2016) to demonstrate that the group could only engage in retaliation against the government in a substantial way during the time of strength. Once the military begins to register victories over Boko Haram and diminishes the territory the group holds (and thus diminishes the strength of the group), the forms of violence used by the group changes and the number of kidnappings decrease.KEYWORDS: Kidnappingpolitical violenceBoko HaramNigeriaterrorismAfrica Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Observer Newspaper, ‘Nigeria Rejected British Offer’.2 Amnesty International, ‘“Our Job Is to Shoot, Slaughter and Kill”’, 59.3 Al Jazeera, ‘Two More Abducted Chibok Girls Freed’.4 Reuters, ‘Exclusive: Nigeria’s Chibok Girls’.5 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping in Civil War’.6 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.7 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram.8 See, Thurston, Boko Haram, 220, and Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.9 Onuoha, ‘The Audacity of the Boko Haram’.10 Thurston, Boko Haram, 83.11 According to Peters and Berman, ‘the Sharia is the set of divine commands, transmitted by God through the foundational sources of Quran and Sunna, and fiqh is the human endeavor to identify and elucidate these divine injunctions’. In Nigeria, this debate over the implementation of Sharia law centred on the use of Islamic jurisprudence but the understanding of Sharia can be expanded to encompass ‘Islamic normativity in the fields of ritual, morality, and law.’ Peters and Bearman, ‘Introduction: The Nature of the Sharia’.12 MacEachern, Searching for Boko Haram, 11.13 Goitom, ‘Nigeria: Boko Haram’.14 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’.15 Ibid.16 Waddington, ‘Evaluating the Impact of the Nigerian Military’.17 Owen and Usman, ‘Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan’.18 Thurston, Boko Haram, 238.19 Falode, ‘The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War’.20 Mahmood, ‘Boko Haram in 2016’.21 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.22 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.23 Ibid., 245–50.24 Ibid., 273.25 BBC News, ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’.26 Vanguard, ‘Hundreds of Nigerian Troops’.27 Punch, ‘40 Boko Haram Fights Killed’.28 Cronin, ‘Don’t Forget About Boko Haram’.29 Hinshaw and Parkinson, ‘Boko Haram Leader Dies’.30 Kindzeka, ‘Lake Chad Basin Joint Task Force’.31 Human Rights Watch, ‘World Report 2022’.32 See, Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces and Groups’, and Henshaw, ‘Why Women Rebel’.33 Mazurana, ‘Women, Girls, and Non-State Armed Opposition’, 146.34 Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces’.35 Thomas and Bond, ‘Women’s Participation in Violent Political Organizations’.36 Henshaw, ‘Why Women Rebel’.37 Wood and Thomas, ‘Women on the Frontline’.38 Henshaw, Why Women Rebel.39 Wood, Female Fighters.40 Braithwaite and Ruiz, ‘Female Combatants, Forced Recruitment’.41 Cohen, ‘Explaining Rape During Civil War’.42 Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces’.43 Beber and Blattman, ‘The Logic of Child Soldiering and Coercion’.44 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.45 Gates, ‘Membership Matters’.46 Sawyer and Andrews, ‘Rebel Recruitment and Retention’.47 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping’, 1226.48 See, Forest, ‘Global Trends in Kidnapping’; Forest, ‘Kidnapping by Terrorist Groups’; Loertscher and Milton, ‘Prisoners and Politics’; and Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping’.49 Nevin, ‘Retaliating Against Terrorists’.50 Wood, ‘Rebel Capacity and Strategic Violence’ and Holterman, ‘Relative Capacity and the Spread of Rebellion’.51 ‘Global Terrorism Index, 2015’.52 START, Global Terrorism Database 1970–2020.53 LaFree et al., ‘Building a Global Terrorism Database’.54 United States Department of State, ‘Country Reports on Terrorism’.55 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’, 63.56 Thurston, Boko Haram, 197.57 Lemke and Crabtree, ‘Territorial Contenders in World Politics’.58 Nwamkpa, ‘Boko Haram State (2013–2015)’, 285.59 Thurston, Boko Haram, 217.60 Ibid., 225.61 Ibid., 228.62 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 121.63 Ibid.64 Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States.65 Hendrix, ‘Measuring State Capacity’.66 Thurston, Boko Haram, 212–13.67 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 92.68 Cohen, ‘Explaining Rape During Civil War’.69 Human Rights Watch, ‘Those Terrible Weeks in Their Camps’.70 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 92.71 Ibid., 105.72 Ibid., 110.73 Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.74 Pearson and Zenn, ‘How Nigerian Police also Detained Women’.75 Shekau, ‘Message About the Chibok Girls’, 315.76 ‘Interview with a Mujāhid Abu Sumayya’, 328.77 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.78 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.79 Tochukwa, Onyishu, and Okolie, ‘A Decade of Boko Haram Activities’.80 https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/27/those-terrible-weeks-their-camp/boko-haram-violence-against-women-and-girls#_ftnref25.81 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east.82 Ibid.83 Stoddard, ‘Revolutionary Warfare? Assessing the Character’.84 https://ctc.westpoint.edu/islamic-state-africa-estimating-fighter-numbers-cells-across-continent/, accessed on March 12, 2023.Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmma Leonard BoyleEmma Leonard Boyle is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Pennsylvania State University. Her research interests include the geography of violence in civil war, peace and conflict in Africa, the resource curse, and terrorism and counter-terrorism. She is the co-editor of Globalizing Somalia: Multilateral, International, and Transnational Repercussions of Conflict (Bloomsbury Academic Press, 2013) and has previously published in Terrorism and Political Violence and Security Studies, among others.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Boko Haram: Kidnapping as theatre\",\"authors\":\"Emma Leonard Boyle\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/10246029.2023.2253800\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTIn this paper I explore one specific type of violence that has not been the focus of significant research within Political Science: the kidnapping of girls and young women as an act of retaliation or revenge against the government. I argue that, through the dramatic kidnappings of significant numbers of young women and girls, Boko Haram is extracting revenge against the government for its policy of detaining female family members of Boko Haram members, including its leaders. Boko Haram is also using this to signal strength to both the government and the Nigerian population. In this paper, I compare the violence of Boko Haram in a time of strength (January 2014–March 2015) to the violence inflicted in a time of weakness (January–December 2016) to demonstrate that the group could only engage in retaliation against the government in a substantial way during the time of strength. Once the military begins to register victories over Boko Haram and diminishes the territory the group holds (and thus diminishes the strength of the group), the forms of violence used by the group changes and the number of kidnappings decrease.KEYWORDS: Kidnappingpolitical violenceBoko HaramNigeriaterrorismAfrica Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Observer Newspaper, ‘Nigeria Rejected British Offer’.2 Amnesty International, ‘“Our Job Is to Shoot, Slaughter and Kill”’, 59.3 Al Jazeera, ‘Two More Abducted Chibok Girls Freed’.4 Reuters, ‘Exclusive: Nigeria’s Chibok Girls’.5 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping in Civil War’.6 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.7 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram.8 See, Thurston, Boko Haram, 220, and Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.9 Onuoha, ‘The Audacity of the Boko Haram’.10 Thurston, Boko Haram, 83.11 According to Peters and Berman, ‘the Sharia is the set of divine commands, transmitted by God through the foundational sources of Quran and Sunna, and fiqh is the human endeavor to identify and elucidate these divine injunctions’. In Nigeria, this debate over the implementation of Sharia law centred on the use of Islamic jurisprudence but the understanding of Sharia can be expanded to encompass ‘Islamic normativity in the fields of ritual, morality, and law.’ Peters and Bearman, ‘Introduction: The Nature of the Sharia’.12 MacEachern, Searching for Boko Haram, 11.13 Goitom, ‘Nigeria: Boko Haram’.14 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’.15 Ibid.16 Waddington, ‘Evaluating the Impact of the Nigerian Military’.17 Owen and Usman, ‘Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan’.18 Thurston, Boko Haram, 238.19 Falode, ‘The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War’.20 Mahmood, ‘Boko Haram in 2016’.21 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.22 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.23 Ibid., 245–50.24 Ibid., 273.25 BBC News, ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’.26 Vanguard, ‘Hundreds of Nigerian Troops’.27 Punch, ‘40 Boko Haram Fights Killed’.28 Cronin, ‘Don’t Forget About Boko Haram’.29 Hinshaw and Parkinson, ‘Boko Haram Leader Dies’.30 Kindzeka, ‘Lake Chad Basin Joint Task Force’.31 Human Rights Watch, ‘World Report 2022’.32 See, Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces and Groups’, and Henshaw, ‘Why Women Rebel’.33 Mazurana, ‘Women, Girls, and Non-State Armed Opposition’, 146.34 Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces’.35 Thomas and Bond, ‘Women’s Participation in Violent Political Organizations’.36 Henshaw, ‘Why Women Rebel’.37 Wood and Thomas, ‘Women on the Frontline’.38 Henshaw, Why Women Rebel.39 Wood, Female Fighters.40 Braithwaite and Ruiz, ‘Female Combatants, Forced Recruitment’.41 Cohen, ‘Explaining Rape During Civil War’.42 Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces’.43 Beber and Blattman, ‘The Logic of Child Soldiering and Coercion’.44 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.45 Gates, ‘Membership Matters’.46 Sawyer and Andrews, ‘Rebel Recruitment and Retention’.47 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping’, 1226.48 See, Forest, ‘Global Trends in Kidnapping’; Forest, ‘Kidnapping by Terrorist Groups’; Loertscher and Milton, ‘Prisoners and Politics’; and Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping’.49 Nevin, ‘Retaliating Against Terrorists’.50 Wood, ‘Rebel Capacity and Strategic Violence’ and Holterman, ‘Relative Capacity and the Spread of Rebellion’.51 ‘Global Terrorism Index, 2015’.52 START, Global Terrorism Database 1970–2020.53 LaFree et al., ‘Building a Global Terrorism Database’.54 United States Department of State, ‘Country Reports on Terrorism’.55 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’, 63.56 Thurston, Boko Haram, 197.57 Lemke and Crabtree, ‘Territorial Contenders in World Politics’.58 Nwamkpa, ‘Boko Haram State (2013–2015)’, 285.59 Thurston, Boko Haram, 217.60 Ibid., 225.61 Ibid., 228.62 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 121.63 Ibid.64 Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States.65 Hendrix, ‘Measuring State Capacity’.66 Thurston, Boko Haram, 212–13.67 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 92.68 Cohen, ‘Explaining Rape During Civil War’.69 Human Rights Watch, ‘Those Terrible Weeks in Their Camps’.70 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 92.71 Ibid., 105.72 Ibid., 110.73 Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.74 Pearson and Zenn, ‘How Nigerian Police also Detained Women’.75 Shekau, ‘Message About the Chibok Girls’, 315.76 ‘Interview with a Mujāhid Abu Sumayya’, 328.77 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.78 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.79 Tochukwa, Onyishu, and Okolie, ‘A Decade of Boko Haram Activities’.80 https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/27/those-terrible-weeks-their-camp/boko-haram-violence-against-women-and-girls#_ftnref25.81 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east.82 Ibid.83 Stoddard, ‘Revolutionary Warfare? Assessing the Character’.84 https://ctc.westpoint.edu/islamic-state-africa-estimating-fighter-numbers-cells-across-continent/, accessed on March 12, 2023.Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmma Leonard BoyleEmma Leonard Boyle is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Pennsylvania State University. Her research interests include the geography of violence in civil war, peace and conflict in Africa, the resource curse, and terrorism and counter-terrorism. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在本文中,我探讨了一种特殊类型的暴力行为,这一暴力行为一直没有成为政治学重要研究的焦点:绑架女孩和年轻妇女作为对政府的报复或报复行为。我认为,通过戏剧性地绑架大量年轻女性和女孩,博科圣地正在对政府进行报复,因为政府采取了拘留博科圣地成员(包括其领导人)女性家属的政策。博科圣地也借此向政府和尼日利亚民众发出力量信号。在本文中,我比较了博科圣地在实力雄厚时期(2014年1月- 2015年3月)和实力薄弱时期(2016年1月- 12月)的暴力行为,以证明该组织只有在实力雄厚时期才能对政府进行实质性的报复。一旦军方开始对博科圣地取得胜利,并减少该组织控制的领土(从而削弱该组织的实力),该组织使用的暴力形式就会发生变化,绑架事件的数量也会减少。关键词:绑架、政治暴力、博科圣地、尼日利亚、恐怖主义、非洲披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1《观察家报》,《尼日利亚拒绝英国报价国际特赦组织,“我们的工作是射击,屠杀和杀戮”,59.3半岛电视台,“又有两名被绑架的奇博克女孩获释”路透社独家报道:尼日利亚的奇博克女孩吉尔伯特,《内战中绑架的逻辑》Eck,“叛军招募中的胁迫”《Matfess, Women and War on Boko Haram》,见Thurston,《Boko Haram》,220;Zenn and Pearson,《Women, Gender, and evolution Tactics》奥努哈,《博科圣地的胆大妄为》根据彼得斯和伯曼的说法,“伊斯兰教法是一套神圣的命令,由真主通过《古兰经》和《逊那》的基础来源传播,而菲格斯是人类识别和阐明这些神圣命令的努力”。在尼日利亚,关于伊斯兰教法实施的辩论集中在伊斯兰法学的使用上,但对伊斯兰教法的理解可以扩展到包括仪式、道德和法律领域的伊斯兰规范。彼得斯和贝尔曼,《导言:伊斯兰教法的本质》,第12页MacEachern,搜索博科圣地,11.13 Goitom,“尼日利亚:博科圣地”,14Mantzikos,“博科圣地在尼日利亚的袭击”Waddington,“评估尼日利亚军队的影响”,第17页欧文和乌斯曼,《简报:为什么祝你好运乔纳森》,18页瑟斯顿,博科圣地,238.19 Falode,“尼日利亚博科圣地战争的性质”,第20页Mahmood,“博科圣地在2016年”BBC新闻,尼日利亚博科圣地Thurston,博科圣地,240.23同上,245-50.24同上,273.25 BBC新闻,“博科圣地在尼日利亚”先锋,《数百名尼日利亚士兵》,27页Punch,“40名博科圣地战士被杀”克罗宁,《不要忘记博科圣地》,第29页欣肖和帕金森,“博科圣地领袖之死”,第30页金泽卡,乍得湖盆地联合特遣部队,31号人权观察,《2022年世界报告》,第32页见Mazurana et al.,“战斗部队和团体中的女孩”和Henshaw,“为什么女性反叛”Mazurana,“妇女、女孩和非国家武装反对派”,146.34 Mazurana等人,“战斗部队中的女孩”,第35页托马斯和邦德,<妇女参与暴力政治组织>,第36页亨肖,《女人为何反叛》,第37页伍德和托马斯,《前线的女人》38《女性为何反抗》,伍德,《女性战士》,布雷斯韦特和鲁伊斯,《女性战士,强制招募》,第41页科恩,《解释内战期间的强奸》,第42页Mazurana et al.,“战斗部队中的女孩”,43Beber和Blattman, <儿童兵和强制的逻辑>,第44页Eck, <叛军招募中的胁迫>,第45页盖茨,《会员关系》,46页索耶和安德鲁斯,《叛军招募与保留》,第47页吉尔伯特,《绑架的逻辑》,1226.48 See, Forest,《全球绑架趋势》;福里斯特,“恐怖组织绑架”;洛尔彻尔和弥尔顿,《囚徒与政治》;吉尔伯特的《绑架的逻辑》(The Logic of Kidnapping)内文,《对恐怖分子的报复》。50伍德,“叛乱能力和战略暴力”和霍尔特曼,“相对能力和叛乱的传播”。51“全球恐怖主义指数,2015”LaFree et al.,《全球恐怖主义数据库的构建》,第54期美国国务院,《关于恐怖主义的国家报告》。55Mantzikos,“博科圣地在尼日利亚的袭击”,63.56 Thurston,博科圣地,1977.57 Lemke和Crabtree,“世界政治中的领土竞争者”,58Nwamkpa,“博科圣地国家(2013-2015)”,285.59瑟斯顿,博科圣地,217.60同上,225.61同上,228.62 Matfess,妇女和对博科圣地的战争,121.63同上。64 Tilly,胁迫,资本和欧洲国家。65亨德里克斯,“衡量国家能力”,66瑟斯顿,博科圣地,212-13.67 Matfess,妇女和博科圣地的战争,92.68科恩,“解释内战期间的强奸”。 69人权观察,《难民营里可怕的几周》Matfess,妇女和对博科圣地的战争,92.71同上,105.72同上,110.73 Zenn和Pearson,“妇女,性别和不断发展的战术”74皮尔森和泽恩,《尼日利亚警察如何拘留妇女》,75页Shekau,“关于奇博克女孩的信息”,315.76“对Mujāhid Abu Sumayya的采访”,328.77 BBC新闻,“尼日利亚博科圣地”Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.79 Tochukwa, Onyishu和Okolie,“博科圣地活动的十年”。80 https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/27/those-terrible-weeks-their-camp/boko-haram-violence-against-women-and-girls#_ftnref25.81 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east.82同上83斯托达德,“革命战争?“评估角色”。84 https://ctc.westpoint.edu/islamic-state-africa-estimating-fighter-numbers-cells-across-continent/, 2023年3月12日访问。作者简介:艾玛·伦纳德·博伊尔,宾夕法尼亚州立大学政治学副教授。她的研究兴趣包括内战中的暴力地理学、非洲的和平与冲突、资源诅咒、恐怖主义和反恐。她是《全球化的索马里:冲突的多边、国际和跨国影响》(布卢姆斯伯里学术出版社,2013年)的联合编辑,并曾在《恐怖主义、政治暴力和安全研究》等刊物上发表过文章。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Boko Haram: Kidnapping as theatre
ABSTRACTIn this paper I explore one specific type of violence that has not been the focus of significant research within Political Science: the kidnapping of girls and young women as an act of retaliation or revenge against the government. I argue that, through the dramatic kidnappings of significant numbers of young women and girls, Boko Haram is extracting revenge against the government for its policy of detaining female family members of Boko Haram members, including its leaders. Boko Haram is also using this to signal strength to both the government and the Nigerian population. In this paper, I compare the violence of Boko Haram in a time of strength (January 2014–March 2015) to the violence inflicted in a time of weakness (January–December 2016) to demonstrate that the group could only engage in retaliation against the government in a substantial way during the time of strength. Once the military begins to register victories over Boko Haram and diminishes the territory the group holds (and thus diminishes the strength of the group), the forms of violence used by the group changes and the number of kidnappings decrease.KEYWORDS: Kidnappingpolitical violenceBoko HaramNigeriaterrorismAfrica Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Observer Newspaper, ‘Nigeria Rejected British Offer’.2 Amnesty International, ‘“Our Job Is to Shoot, Slaughter and Kill”’, 59.3 Al Jazeera, ‘Two More Abducted Chibok Girls Freed’.4 Reuters, ‘Exclusive: Nigeria’s Chibok Girls’.5 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping in Civil War’.6 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.7 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram.8 See, Thurston, Boko Haram, 220, and Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.9 Onuoha, ‘The Audacity of the Boko Haram’.10 Thurston, Boko Haram, 83.11 According to Peters and Berman, ‘the Sharia is the set of divine commands, transmitted by God through the foundational sources of Quran and Sunna, and fiqh is the human endeavor to identify and elucidate these divine injunctions’. In Nigeria, this debate over the implementation of Sharia law centred on the use of Islamic jurisprudence but the understanding of Sharia can be expanded to encompass ‘Islamic normativity in the fields of ritual, morality, and law.’ Peters and Bearman, ‘Introduction: The Nature of the Sharia’.12 MacEachern, Searching for Boko Haram, 11.13 Goitom, ‘Nigeria: Boko Haram’.14 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’.15 Ibid.16 Waddington, ‘Evaluating the Impact of the Nigerian Military’.17 Owen and Usman, ‘Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan’.18 Thurston, Boko Haram, 238.19 Falode, ‘The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War’.20 Mahmood, ‘Boko Haram in 2016’.21 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.22 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.23 Ibid., 245–50.24 Ibid., 273.25 BBC News, ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’.26 Vanguard, ‘Hundreds of Nigerian Troops’.27 Punch, ‘40 Boko Haram Fights Killed’.28 Cronin, ‘Don’t Forget About Boko Haram’.29 Hinshaw and Parkinson, ‘Boko Haram Leader Dies’.30 Kindzeka, ‘Lake Chad Basin Joint Task Force’.31 Human Rights Watch, ‘World Report 2022’.32 See, Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces and Groups’, and Henshaw, ‘Why Women Rebel’.33 Mazurana, ‘Women, Girls, and Non-State Armed Opposition’, 146.34 Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces’.35 Thomas and Bond, ‘Women’s Participation in Violent Political Organizations’.36 Henshaw, ‘Why Women Rebel’.37 Wood and Thomas, ‘Women on the Frontline’.38 Henshaw, Why Women Rebel.39 Wood, Female Fighters.40 Braithwaite and Ruiz, ‘Female Combatants, Forced Recruitment’.41 Cohen, ‘Explaining Rape During Civil War’.42 Mazurana et al., ‘Girls in Fighting Forces’.43 Beber and Blattman, ‘The Logic of Child Soldiering and Coercion’.44 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.45 Gates, ‘Membership Matters’.46 Sawyer and Andrews, ‘Rebel Recruitment and Retention’.47 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping’, 1226.48 See, Forest, ‘Global Trends in Kidnapping’; Forest, ‘Kidnapping by Terrorist Groups’; Loertscher and Milton, ‘Prisoners and Politics’; and Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping’.49 Nevin, ‘Retaliating Against Terrorists’.50 Wood, ‘Rebel Capacity and Strategic Violence’ and Holterman, ‘Relative Capacity and the Spread of Rebellion’.51 ‘Global Terrorism Index, 2015’.52 START, Global Terrorism Database 1970–2020.53 LaFree et al., ‘Building a Global Terrorism Database’.54 United States Department of State, ‘Country Reports on Terrorism’.55 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’, 63.56 Thurston, Boko Haram, 197.57 Lemke and Crabtree, ‘Territorial Contenders in World Politics’.58 Nwamkpa, ‘Boko Haram State (2013–2015)’, 285.59 Thurston, Boko Haram, 217.60 Ibid., 225.61 Ibid., 228.62 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 121.63 Ibid.64 Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States.65 Hendrix, ‘Measuring State Capacity’.66 Thurston, Boko Haram, 212–13.67 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 92.68 Cohen, ‘Explaining Rape During Civil War’.69 Human Rights Watch, ‘Those Terrible Weeks in Their Camps’.70 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram, 92.71 Ibid., 105.72 Ibid., 110.73 Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.74 Pearson and Zenn, ‘How Nigerian Police also Detained Women’.75 Shekau, ‘Message About the Chibok Girls’, 315.76 ‘Interview with a Mujāhid Abu Sumayya’, 328.77 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.78 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.79 Tochukwa, Onyishu, and Okolie, ‘A Decade of Boko Haram Activities’.80 https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/27/those-terrible-weeks-their-camp/boko-haram-violence-against-women-and-girls#_ftnref25.81 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east.82 Ibid.83 Stoddard, ‘Revolutionary Warfare? Assessing the Character’.84 https://ctc.westpoint.edu/islamic-state-africa-estimating-fighter-numbers-cells-across-continent/, accessed on March 12, 2023.Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmma Leonard BoyleEmma Leonard Boyle is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Pennsylvania State University. Her research interests include the geography of violence in civil war, peace and conflict in Africa, the resource curse, and terrorism and counter-terrorism. She is the co-editor of Globalizing Somalia: Multilateral, International, and Transnational Repercussions of Conflict (Bloomsbury Academic Press, 2013) and has previously published in Terrorism and Political Violence and Security Studies, among others.
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来源期刊
African Security Review
African Security Review INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
CiteScore
1.90
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12.50%
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24
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