“ It is a Gurdwara, Not a Memorial .”: The Politics and Aesthetics of Sikh Memorials for 1984

AbstractThis paper looks at two memorials built in India to commemorate Sikh victims of the violent events of June 1984 and November 1984. Gurdwara Yaadgaar Shaheedan (Gurdwara Martyrs’ Memorial) was built in the Golden Temple complex, Amritsar in 2013, and the Wall of Truth: Sikh Genocide Memorial was inaugurated in Gurdwara Rakabganj, New Delhi in 2017. While both memorials commemorate related events and are built by the same group of people, they differ completely in the choice of nomenclature, design and even the justification given for their creation. This paper discusses the differences between these memorials and their relevance in the memorial politics of contemporary India.Keywords: Sikhmuseummemorial1984Operation Bluestarmemorials for atrocitiesHolocaust AcknowledgementI am grateful to Manjit Singh GK for discussing his work with me. I also thank the anonymous reviewers for their detailed comments on the paper.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. From the word, panth, for the Sikh community.2. This alliance broke in the year 2020 in the context of the historic Farmers’ Protests led by the farmers of Punjab, against the BJP-led Central Government’s introduction of three farm laws.3. For this paper, I consider museums and memorials together, keeping in mind the commemorative function of museums. In the Sikh case, museums are often both sites for acquiring knowledge of the past and also to remember a particular aspect of Sikh history. For example, the information panel at the Bhai Mati Das Museum in Gurdwara Sisganj, Delhi informs the visitor that it is built on the ‘land enriched by the blood of martyrs’ and the museum is for the younger generations to remember these sacrifices.4. Kanika Singh, ‘Understanding Sikh Museums in Contemporary India’, Economic & Political Weekly 57, no. 15, (April 2022): 32–39.5. See, for instance, Yogesh Snehi, ‘Narratives of History’, The Tribune, 5 August 2012, https://www.tribuneindia.com/2012/20120805/spectrum/main4.htm; Kanchan Vasudev et al., ‘Punjab Elections 2017: CM Parkash Singh Badal Spends Generously on War Memorials and Monuments’, The Indian Express, 18 July 2016, https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/punjab-elections-2017-cm-parkash-singh-badal-spends-on-monuments-memorials-unlimited-hardlook-2920540/.6. Singh, Understanding Sikh, p. 36.7. It should be noted that the two Partition Museums mentioned here are not ‘Sikh’ projects. Their sponsorship is not exclusively Sikh nor is their thematic focus on the Sikh community alone. Along with the Virasat-e Khalsa, they are the first examples and the only recent examples of museumization of the Partition, an event which is extremely significant in the history of South Asia.8. The Golden Temple is also referred to by other names such as the Darbar Sahib and the Harmandir Sahib.9. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (1947–84) was the head of the Damdami Taksal (a radical Sikh seminary), and he gained popularity as a religious preacher in the mid-late 1970s. Bhindranwale came to be associated with militant activities including attacks on Hindus and political critics. He directed his rhetoric at the ‘Hindu’ government led by Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India and the leader of the Congress party. Believed to have been initially propped up by the Congress to sideline the Akalis, Bhindranwale soon became too hot to handle, leading to the army attack on the Golden Temple.10. For more on Operation Bluestar, see Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, Amritsar: Mrs Gandhi’s Last Battle (New Delhi: Rupa, 2006).11. See Radhika Chopra, ‘Commemorating Hurt: Memorializing Operation Bluestar’, Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory 6, no. 2 (2010): 119–52.; Radhika Chopra, ‘A Museum, A Memorial, And A Martyr’, Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory 9, no. 2 (2013): 97–114.; Radhika Chopra, Amritsar 1984: A City Remembers (London: Lexington, 2018).; Giorgio Shani, ‘The Memorialization of Ghallughara: Trauma, Nation and Diaspora’, Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory 6, no. 20 (2010): 177–92.; Darshan S. Tatla, ‘The Morning After: Trauma, Memory and the Sikh Predicament since 1984’, Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory, 2, no. (2006): 57–88.12. According to Manjit Singh GK, former President of DSGMC, this number is about 5000 in Delhi and 12000 in India. Interview with author, 9 October 2021.13. See Uma Chakravarti and Nandita Haksar, The Delhi Riots: Three Days in the Life of A Nation (New Delhi: Lancer International, 1987).; Amiya Rao, Aurobindo Ghosh and N.D. Pancholi, Report to the Nation: Truth About Delhi Violence (New Delhi: Citizens For Democracy, 1985).; Manoj Mitta and H.S. Phoolka, When A Tree Shook Delhi: The 1984 Carnage and Its Aftermath (New Delhi: Roli Books, 2007). Manmohan Singh, a leader of the Congress and himself as Sikh, apologized to the Sikh community and to the nation in 2005 when he was the Prime Minister of India. Justice, however, still eludes the victims.14. Chopra, Commemorating Hurt.15. Pritam Singh and Navtej K. Purewal, ‘The Resurgence of Bhindranwale’s Image in Contemporary Punjab’, Contemporary South Asia 21, no. 2 (2013): 133–47.16. See, Ravleen Kaur, ‘The Trauma of 1984 Didn’t Die With Its Victims, It Continues to Live Through Its Survivors’, Youth ki Awaz, 2 November 2015, https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2015/11/1984-anti-sikh-massacre-31st-anniversary/; Shruti Devgan, ‘The Digital Story of 1984: Diasporic Sikhs and the Mediated Work of Memory and Emotion’, Journal of Punjab Studies 22, no. 2, (2015): 343–378.17. Michael Nijhawan, ‘1984 and the Diasporic Politics of Aesthetics: Reconfigurations and New Constellations Among Toronto’s Sikh Youth’, Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 17, no. 2 (Summer 2008): 196–219.18. Chopra, Amritsar 1984, pp. xix–xxiii.19. ‘Ruckus in Punjab Assembly’, Outlook, 21 June 2012. See Chopra, A Museum, A Memorial, on the dilemmas of remembering Bhindranwale and the significance of this statement.20. ‘Op Bluestar Memorial: Basic Structure Built in First Phase’, The Tribune, 23 July 2012.21. ‘I’m a Soldier, Won’t Let Go Easily: Lt. Gen Brar.’ The Tribune, 3 October 2012.22. ‘Amarinder Questions Badal’s Silence’, The Tribune, 4 October 2012.; ‘I’m a Soldier, Won’t Let Go Easily: Lt. Gen Brar’, The Tribune, 3 October 2012.23. Gen. Vaidya was the Indian army chief leading Operation Bluestar. He was assassinated in 1986 by two Sikhs, to avenge the attack on the Golden Temple. ‘SGPC Honours Gen.Vaidya Assassins, Stirring up Controversy’, The Hindu, 10 October 2012.24. ‘Memorial Has No Link With Attack On Brar, Says SGPC. Work On Bluestar Memorial Complex In Full Swing’, The Tribune, 6 October 2012.25. ‘General Brar Not Aware Of Ground Reality: Badal’, The Tribune, 12 October 2012.; ‘State Not To Blame For Attack On Brar: Sukhbir’, The Tribune. 6 October 2012.26. SGPC secretary as quoted in news report ‘Rethink Bluestar Memorial: Shinde,’ The Tribune, 8 October 2012.27. ‘Sukhbir Badal Defends Bluestar Memorial’, The Tribune, 12 October 2012.28. ‘Dangerous Memorial Politics in Punjab,’ NDTV, 11 October 2012. Accessed 23 February 2021. https://www.ndtv.com/video/news/left-right-centre/dangerous-memorial-politics-in-punjab-250328.29. ‘Rethink Bluestar Memorial: Shinde’, The Tribune, 8 October 2012.30. ‘Badal Meets PM, Says Memorial Like Any Other Gurdwara’, The Tribune, 30 October 2012.31. ‘Op Bluestar Memorial Dedicated To The Community’, The Tribune, 28 April 2013.32. Translation by author.33. This is the original English text on the information panel at the memorial.34. ‘DSGMC May Raise Memorial To Riot Victims’, The Tribune, 25 June 2012.35. ‘SAD (Badal) Protests Delay In Naming ‘1984 Memorial Park’’, The Tribune, 11 November 2012.36. ‘Akali Dal Hits Back At Delhi Govt Over ‘Bid To Stall’ 1984 Memorial’, The Tribune, 12 November 2012.37. ‘Sarna, Badal Groups Target Each Other As Poll Campaign Picks Up,’ The Tribune, 14 January 2013.; ‘Tight Fight for DSGMC’, The Tribune, 24 January 2013.; ‘Punjab Acrimony Resonates In Delhi’, The Tribune, 25 January 2013.38. ‘How Sukhbir Won the Day for SAD’, The Tribune, 31 January 2013.39. ‘Confining Sarna to Punjabi Bagh Did It’, The Tribune, 31 January 2013.40. ‘Memorial for the Riot Hit in Rakabganj Sahib’, The Tribune, 23 May 2013.41. Manjit Singh GK. Interview with author. 9 October 2021.42. ‘Memorial to ’84 Riots Victims Soon’, The Tribune, 3 June 2013.43. ‘Delhi Court Acquits Sajjan Kumar, convicts 5 others’, The Economic Times, 1 May 2013.44. ‘Sarna Opposes Memorial Inside Delhi Gurdwara’, The Tribune, 7 June 2013.45. ‘Sarna Opposes Memorial Inside Delhi Gurdwara’, The Tribune, 7 June 2013.; ‘Sarna: Will Back Memorial Outside Rakabganj Sahib’, The Tribune, 10 June 2013.46. ‘Takht Chiefs to Lay Stone of 1984 Memorial Tomorrow’, The Tribune, 11 June 2013.47. ‘1984 riots is ‘fourth holocaust’ of Sikhs: Badal’, Hindustan Times, 2 November 2014. He was referring to the Sikh conflict with the Afghans and the Mughals in the 18th century, referred to as the Wadda Ghallughara and the Chhota Ghallughara, as the first two holocausts, and the third being Operation Bluestar.48. ‘Memorial Dedicated to ’84 Riot Victims to Come Up In Delhi’, The Tribune. 6 June 2013.49. ‘Takht Chiefs to Lay Stone of 1984 Memorial Tomorrow’, The Tribune, 11 June 2013.50. Manjit Singh GK. Interview with author. 9 October 2021.51. Manjit Singh GK. Speech at the inauguration of the Wall of Truth memorial, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y1ANs0hZkwc (accessed on 22 January 2022). The original is in Punjabi. Translation by author.52. Manjit Singh GK. Interview with author. 9 October 2021.53. Manjit Singh GK. Interview with author. 9 October 2021.54. Also see Chopra’s argument that the memorial’s form as a gurdwara is significant because it has the potential to upstage Darbar Sahib as the primary site of Sikh memory (2013).55. When BJP formed the government at the centre in 2014 and 2019, SAD held a ministry each time.56. ‘No Revival of Militancy in Punjab: Shinde. Says Union Government Cannot Interfere in Matters of Sikh Gurdwara Panel’, The Tribune, 11 October 2012.57. Members of the radical Hindu groups and BJP supported the attack on the Sikhs (both of June and November 1984) and are known to have participated in the November attacks. This must be understood in light of extreme communal polarisation between Hindus and Sikhs at that time. The Congress-led violence appealed to Hindu majoritarian sentiments and got support from right-wing Hindu organisations. The BJP’s desire to participate in ’84 memorial activities in Delhi comes later, in an attempt to gain off the Congress, and also to counter Congress’s criticism of 2002 Gujarat violence against the Muslims which was supported by the BJP government of the state. See Shiv Inder Singh, ‘The BJP’s and the Sangh’s Sikh Appeasement is Electoral Hypocrisy’, The Caravan, 9 July 2019. https://caravanmagazine.in/politics/rss-bjp-sangh-sikh-appeasement-1984.; Ajaz Ashraf, ‘RSS was Silent During the 1984 Riots. At Places, It was Implicated in Violence’, The Scroll, 3 November 2015. https://scroll.in/article/766550/rss-was-silent-during-the-1984-riots-at-places-it-was-implicated-in-the-violence.58. Manjit Singh GK, Interview with author, 9 October 2021.59. This difference is also visible in the case of Sikh museums in Delhi and Punjab. The Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar includes the portraits of Bhindranwale and the assassins of Indira Gandhi in its display, while none of the Sikh museums in Delhi do so. These variations indirectly reveal the tensions within the community and the differences between what is perceived to be its history. This is because the Sikh community and its politics in Delhi differs from that in Punjab. In Delhi, the Khatris are most prominent Sikh groups controlling the gurdwaras, and were traditionally seen close to the Centre. Punjab politics and gurdwaras are controlled by Jatt Sikhs whose allegiances differ and are often at loggerheads with the Central Government in Delhi. Singh, Understanding Sikh, pp. 36–37.60. See, James E. Young, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).; Paul Williams, Memorial Museums: The Global Rush to Commemorate Atrocities (Oxford & New York: Berg Publishers, 2007).; Amy Sodaro, Exhibiting Atrocity: Memorial Museums and the Politics of Past Violence (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2018).61. As claimed by Manjit Singh GK, Interview with author. 9 October 2021.62. ‘Sikh Katleaam: Shiromani Committee Pradhan Valon New Jersery di Senate de Faisle da Swagat’, [Sikh Massacre: Shiromani Committee Welcomes New Jersey Senate’s Decision]. Punjabi Tribune, 13 January 2022.63. ‘Rajnath Called 1984 killings ‘Genocide’, Now MEA Objects When Canada Does the Same’, The Wire, 7 April 2017. https://thewire.in/diplomacy/rajnath-called-1984-killings-genocide-now-mea-objects-canada.64. ‘84 Sikh Naslkushi: Amrica vic Yaadgaar Hatai’, [’84 Sikh Genocide: Memorial Removed in America], Punjabi Tribune, 21 October 2019.; ‘1984 Sikh Genocide Memorial in US Removed After India Protests’, The Tribune, 21 October 2019.