爱尔兰内战期间的中立北方人:传记研究

IF 0.2 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
Adrian Grant
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As Bill Kissane has demonstrated, numerous civil-society organizations maintained a neutral line throughout the conflict, advocating peace to no avail.2 The Labour Party also maintained a neutral position, or as its leaders perhaps more accurately termed it, an \"antimilitarist\" one. Labour assumed the role of official opposition in Dáil Éireann, and in doing so, signaled its intention to accept the institutions of the Free State that emerged from the Anglo-Irish Treaty. Sensing the lack of appetite for further violence in the country, the Labour leadership believed that this strategy presented the best means of advancing a progressive agenda on social and economic issues.3 However antimilitarist the [End Page 139] country may have become in 1922, the constitutional issue remained at the forefront of Irish political discourse. Republicans generally viewed Labour supporters with contempt for this strategy, arguing that they had effectively taken the pro-Treaty side and were actively legitimizing the Free State through their actions.4 While the IRA was definitively split over the Treaty, not all members were willing to carry their strongly held opinions into a violent confrontation with former comrades. The Neutral IRA Association was formed in December 1922, and its membership was open to those who had been active during the War of Independence but were opposed to the Civil War. It claimed a membership of around 25,000 and advanced peace proposals to the political and military leaders of the civil-war belligerents.5 These went unheeded, despite the strength in numbers of neutral IRA members and public support from a large number of local-government bodies. Again, while these individuals remained neutral in the Civil War, it is clear that most of them were not supporters of the Treaty or the Free State.6 In Ulster the IRA generally followed the national trend, with its divisions declaring either in favor of or against the Treaty. The exception was the 4th Northern Division under the command of Frank Aiken; this was the only division in Ireland to declare a formally neutral position on the Treaty. Aiken and some of his men later took the anti-Treaty side in the Civil War, but only after their garrison at Dundalk Barracks had been attacked by the National Army in July 1922. Previously, Aiken had been a prominent advocate of seeking unity in the IRA to ensure that internal conflict did not distract from what he saw as a priority—the destabilization of Northern Ireland.7 Volunteers in the 4th Northern [End Page 140] Division later revealed that a swift decision to maintain neutrality was reached once the Civil War had broken out, and that they would also cease all operations in Northern Ireland given that \"all hopes of a united Ireland effort against the British forces in the North was smashed for the time being.\"8 While the 4th Northern Division was unique in its formal declaration of neutrality, there were many more IRA Volunteers from within the Six County area who saw the Civil War as a distraction from the main task at hand—the destabilization and destruction of Northern Ireland. This article explores the attitude taken to the Civil War by IRA members from the Six Counties, with a focus on those who took a decidedly neutral position. 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Labour assumed the role of official opposition in Dáil Éireann, and in doing so, signaled its intention to accept the institutions of the Free State that emerged from the Anglo-Irish Treaty. Sensing the lack of appetite for further violence in the country, the Labour leadership believed that this strategy presented the best means of advancing a progressive agenda on social and economic issues.3 However antimilitarist the [End Page 139] country may have become in 1922, the constitutional issue remained at the forefront of Irish political discourse. Republicans generally viewed Labour supporters with contempt for this strategy, arguing that they had effectively taken the pro-Treaty side and were actively legitimizing the Free State through their actions.4 While the IRA was definitively split over the Treaty, not all members were willing to carry their strongly held opinions into a violent confrontation with former comrades. 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Aiken and some of his men later took the anti-Treaty side in the Civil War, but only after their garrison at Dundalk Barracks had been attacked by the National Army in July 1922. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

如果有人认为爱尔兰内战是一场分裂了整个国家的冲突,每个人都明确地站在其中一方,这是可以原谅的。直到最近,“内战政治”一词在二十六个郡的政治话语和分析中占主导地位,并使爱尔兰共和国两个主要政党的支持者是那些在内战期间为一方而战或支持另一方的人的后代这一观念得以延续。将这种20世纪的政治现象描述为“条约分裂政治”更为准确。考虑到在内战期间,不仅是普通民众,而且爱尔兰共和军本身也有很大一部分人保持中立。正如比尔·基萨内所表明的,许多民间社会组织在整个冲突期间保持中立,鼓吹和平却无济于事工党也保持中立的立场,或者更准确地说,是“反军国主义”的立场。工党在Dáil Éireann上扮演了官方反对派的角色,这样做表明了它接受《英爱条约》中出现的自由国家制度的意图。工党领导层意识到该国不愿再发生暴力事件,因此认为这一战略是推进关于社会和经济问题的进步议程的最佳手段无论1922年这个国家变得多么反军国主义,宪法问题仍然是爱尔兰政治话语的前沿。共和党人普遍认为工党支持者蔑视这一策略,认为他们实际上站在了支持条约的一边,并通过他们的行动积极地使自由邦合法化虽然爱尔兰共和军在条约问题上存在明显的分歧,但并不是所有成员都愿意将自己强烈的观点带入与前同志的暴力冲突中。中立爱尔兰共和军协会成立于1922年12月,它的成员开放给那些在独立战争期间活跃但反对内战的人。它声称大约有25 000名成员,并向内战交战国的政治和军事领导人提出了和平建议尽管中立的爱尔兰共和军成员人数众多,而且得到了大量地方政府机构的公开支持,但这些呼吁并未受到重视。同样,虽然这些人在内战中保持中立,但很明显,他们中的大多数人都不是《条约》或自由邦的支持者。6在阿尔斯特,爱尔兰共和军一般跟随全国趋势,其分支宣布支持或反对《条约》。唯一的例外是由弗兰克·艾肯指挥的北方第四师;这是爱尔兰唯一一个正式宣布在条约中保持中立的部门。艾肯和他的一些手下后来在内战中站到了反条约的一边,但那是在1922年7月他们在邓多克军营的守军遭到国民军袭击之后。此前,艾肯一直是爱尔兰共和军中寻求团结的杰出倡导者,以确保内部冲突不会分散他所认为的优先事项——北爱尔兰的不稳定。北方第四师的志愿者后来透露,内战爆发后,他们迅速做出了保持中立的决定。他们还将停止在北爱尔兰的一切行动,因为“统一爱尔兰对抗北方英军的所有希望都已暂时破灭”。虽然北方第四师在正式宣布中立方面是独一无二的,但有更多来自六郡地区的爱尔兰共和军志愿者认为内战分散了他们对当前主要任务的注意力——破坏北爱尔兰的稳定和破坏。本文探讨了来自六郡的爱尔兰共和军成员对内战的态度,重点关注那些采取坚决中立立场的人。如果我们考虑到爱尔兰共和军掩护六国的部门的立场…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Neutral Northerners during the Irish Civil War: A Biographical Study
Neutral Northerners during the Irish Civil War:A Biographical Study Adrian Grant (bio) One could be forgiven for assuming that the Irish Civil War was a conflict that split the entire nation, with everyone clearly taking one side or the other. The term "civil-war politics" dominated political discourse and analysis in the Twenty-Six Counties until quite recently and perpetuated the notion that supporters of the two main political parties in the Republic of Ireland were the descendants of those who had fought for or supported one side or the other during the Civil War.1 It would be more accurate to describe this twentieth-century political phenomenon as "Treaty-split politics," given the fact that a large proportion of not only the general population but also the IRA itself remained neutral during the Civil War. As Bill Kissane has demonstrated, numerous civil-society organizations maintained a neutral line throughout the conflict, advocating peace to no avail.2 The Labour Party also maintained a neutral position, or as its leaders perhaps more accurately termed it, an "antimilitarist" one. Labour assumed the role of official opposition in Dáil Éireann, and in doing so, signaled its intention to accept the institutions of the Free State that emerged from the Anglo-Irish Treaty. Sensing the lack of appetite for further violence in the country, the Labour leadership believed that this strategy presented the best means of advancing a progressive agenda on social and economic issues.3 However antimilitarist the [End Page 139] country may have become in 1922, the constitutional issue remained at the forefront of Irish political discourse. Republicans generally viewed Labour supporters with contempt for this strategy, arguing that they had effectively taken the pro-Treaty side and were actively legitimizing the Free State through their actions.4 While the IRA was definitively split over the Treaty, not all members were willing to carry their strongly held opinions into a violent confrontation with former comrades. The Neutral IRA Association was formed in December 1922, and its membership was open to those who had been active during the War of Independence but were opposed to the Civil War. It claimed a membership of around 25,000 and advanced peace proposals to the political and military leaders of the civil-war belligerents.5 These went unheeded, despite the strength in numbers of neutral IRA members and public support from a large number of local-government bodies. Again, while these individuals remained neutral in the Civil War, it is clear that most of them were not supporters of the Treaty or the Free State.6 In Ulster the IRA generally followed the national trend, with its divisions declaring either in favor of or against the Treaty. The exception was the 4th Northern Division under the command of Frank Aiken; this was the only division in Ireland to declare a formally neutral position on the Treaty. Aiken and some of his men later took the anti-Treaty side in the Civil War, but only after their garrison at Dundalk Barracks had been attacked by the National Army in July 1922. Previously, Aiken had been a prominent advocate of seeking unity in the IRA to ensure that internal conflict did not distract from what he saw as a priority—the destabilization of Northern Ireland.7 Volunteers in the 4th Northern [End Page 140] Division later revealed that a swift decision to maintain neutrality was reached once the Civil War had broken out, and that they would also cease all operations in Northern Ireland given that "all hopes of a united Ireland effort against the British forces in the North was smashed for the time being."8 While the 4th Northern Division was unique in its formal declaration of neutrality, there were many more IRA Volunteers from within the Six County area who saw the Civil War as a distraction from the main task at hand—the destabilization and destruction of Northern Ireland. This article explores the attitude taken to the Civil War by IRA members from the Six Counties, with a focus on those who took a decidedly neutral position. If we consider the stance attributed to the IRA divisions covering the Six...
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来源期刊
EIRE-IRELAND
EIRE-IRELAND HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
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期刊介绍: An interdisciplinary scholarly journal of international repute, Éire Ireland is the leading forum in the flourishing field of Irish Studies. Since 1966, Éire-Ireland has published a wide range of imaginative work and scholarly articles from all areas of the arts, humanities, and social sciences relating to Ireland and Irish America.
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