{"title":"挑选和嘲笑:(异性恋)性别歧视和残疾歧视的交集,以及网络仇恨中对过度可见的青年活动家的反话语动员","authors":"Lenka Vochocová","doi":"10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article contributes to the relatively scarce research on the intersection of various anti-discourses in online hatred by focusing on online verbal attacks on publicly active, nonmature actors of diverse genders. It reveals that patterns of the discursive rejection of youth political actors are similar to the more extensively described hatred against activist women. It also documents that these violent expressions are no longer limited to the realm of extreme or far-right political circles, the typical focus of previous studies, but have penetrated mainstream civic discussions across the media sphere. Youth actors are vulnerable, the article argues, because their individual characteristics are singled out, made hypervisible and mocked as abnormal in the online sphere, or because they are associated with ideologies which the discussants reject as dangerous in their construction of imagined collective identities and mobilization of anti-discourses.Keywords: Youth activismonline hatredintersectionalityhypervisibilitydiscursive exclusion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I borrow the term “anti-discourses” from Martinsson and Ericson (Citation2022) who employ it in their article on anti-gender movements as a generalization of various forms of rejection based on ideological stances (such as “anti-gender” or “anti-Islam”). They mention that whereas they selected anti-gender discourses for their analysis, anti-Islam and racists discourses in their material could also be the subject of the article and conclude that “it is important to emphasize the interconnectedness of these different forms of anti-discourses” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, 2). I find this term especially useful in my analysis of intersectional hatred targeting youth actors in which various anti-discourses are combined.2 For a summary of the “long history of backlash against feminist and female political action” including girl activists and the “backlash against their politics and selves,” see also Duvall (Citation2022, 2).3 The term “anti-gender” movement or discourse is established in literature (Kováts & Põim Citation2015; Martinsson & Ericson, Citation2022) as a set of ideas refusing gender equality efforts by producing “a vision about a society where the struggle for gender equality and LGBTQ rights is abandoned” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, pp. 2–3). Kováts and Põim define “anti-gender movements” by stating that these movements “want to claim that gender equality is an ‘ideology’, and introduce the misleading terms ‘gender ideology’ or ‘gender theory’ which distort the achievements of gender equality” (2015, 11). According to the authors, the main targets of anti-gender movements are “the alleged ‘propaganda’ for LGBTI rights, for reproductive rights and biotechnology, for sexual and equality education” and the activity of anti-gender movements has negative consequences for the legislation on gender equality (2015, 11). Barla and Bjork-James (Citation2021) define “anti-genderism” as an approach “[r]ejecting sexual emancipation, LGBTQI rights, and gender equality” (2021, 381).4 Already in 1991, Crenshaw pointed out in her seminal text on the “intersecting patterns of racism and sexism” (Crenshaw, Citation1991, p. 1243) in the lives of women of color that her “focus on the intersections of race and gender only highlights the need to account for multiple grounds of identity when considering how the social world is constructed” (1991, p. 1245) because other factors, such as class or sexuality, are often equally critical in shaping the experiences of women of color.5 Not every article covering the cases listed below has the discussion section available, only those enabling discussion and keeping it accessible were selected for the analysis. Only mainstream daily and weekly news outlets were selected for analysis to ensure a sample representing mainstream online civic discourses. Disinformation outlets which paid a lot of negative attention to some of the cases were not included in the sample.6 All comments were collected during August 2022 and thus reflect the character of the discussion at that time. It is, of course, possible (and most probable) that some comments published originally in reaction to the articles were erased by the administrators due to trespassing some specific journal rules or standards (such as too offensive language, etc.). That also means that, because the comments were collected months or even years after their publication, the comments that got sampled represent content that the news organizations decided (actively or passively) to keep on their sites.7 Alžbětko is a nonofficial name, an attempt to create a neutral grammatical gender form of the female first name Alžběta. The name was introduced by Alžbětko themself but was appropriated by the public and became a typical example of a mockery of nonbinary people.8 A reference to Alžbětko’s protest act during which they used superglue to stick themself to the road.9 In the Czech context, bearers of liberal, multicultural stances are frequently labelled negatively as sluníčkáři, a term which refers to the shining sun (“sunshiners” or “little suns”) and can be considered an equivalent to the English expression “do-gooders.”Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (GACR), Standard Grant Nr 21-28556S—“The role of online media in constructing, negotiating, and practicing children’s active citizenship.”","PeriodicalId":211920,"journal":{"name":"Women's Studies in Communication","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Singled Out and Mocked: Intersection of (Hetero)Sexism and Ableism and Mobilization of Anti-Discourses in Online Hatred towards Hypervisibilized Youth Activists\",\"authors\":\"Lenka Vochocová\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"AbstractThis article contributes to the relatively scarce research on the intersection of various anti-discourses in online hatred by focusing on online verbal attacks on publicly active, nonmature actors of diverse genders. It reveals that patterns of the discursive rejection of youth political actors are similar to the more extensively described hatred against activist women. It also documents that these violent expressions are no longer limited to the realm of extreme or far-right political circles, the typical focus of previous studies, but have penetrated mainstream civic discussions across the media sphere. Youth actors are vulnerable, the article argues, because their individual characteristics are singled out, made hypervisible and mocked as abnormal in the online sphere, or because they are associated with ideologies which the discussants reject as dangerous in their construction of imagined collective identities and mobilization of anti-discourses.Keywords: Youth activismonline hatredintersectionalityhypervisibilitydiscursive exclusion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I borrow the term “anti-discourses” from Martinsson and Ericson (Citation2022) who employ it in their article on anti-gender movements as a generalization of various forms of rejection based on ideological stances (such as “anti-gender” or “anti-Islam”). They mention that whereas they selected anti-gender discourses for their analysis, anti-Islam and racists discourses in their material could also be the subject of the article and conclude that “it is important to emphasize the interconnectedness of these different forms of anti-discourses” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, 2). I find this term especially useful in my analysis of intersectional hatred targeting youth actors in which various anti-discourses are combined.2 For a summary of the “long history of backlash against feminist and female political action” including girl activists and the “backlash against their politics and selves,” see also Duvall (Citation2022, 2).3 The term “anti-gender” movement or discourse is established in literature (Kováts & Põim Citation2015; Martinsson & Ericson, Citation2022) as a set of ideas refusing gender equality efforts by producing “a vision about a society where the struggle for gender equality and LGBTQ rights is abandoned” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, pp. 2–3). Kováts and Põim define “anti-gender movements” by stating that these movements “want to claim that gender equality is an ‘ideology’, and introduce the misleading terms ‘gender ideology’ or ‘gender theory’ which distort the achievements of gender equality” (2015, 11). According to the authors, the main targets of anti-gender movements are “the alleged ‘propaganda’ for LGBTI rights, for reproductive rights and biotechnology, for sexual and equality education” and the activity of anti-gender movements has negative consequences for the legislation on gender equality (2015, 11). Barla and Bjork-James (Citation2021) define “anti-genderism” as an approach “[r]ejecting sexual emancipation, LGBTQI rights, and gender equality” (2021, 381).4 Already in 1991, Crenshaw pointed out in her seminal text on the “intersecting patterns of racism and sexism” (Crenshaw, Citation1991, p. 1243) in the lives of women of color that her “focus on the intersections of race and gender only highlights the need to account for multiple grounds of identity when considering how the social world is constructed” (1991, p. 1245) because other factors, such as class or sexuality, are often equally critical in shaping the experiences of women of color.5 Not every article covering the cases listed below has the discussion section available, only those enabling discussion and keeping it accessible were selected for the analysis. Only mainstream daily and weekly news outlets were selected for analysis to ensure a sample representing mainstream online civic discourses. Disinformation outlets which paid a lot of negative attention to some of the cases were not included in the sample.6 All comments were collected during August 2022 and thus reflect the character of the discussion at that time. It is, of course, possible (and most probable) that some comments published originally in reaction to the articles were erased by the administrators due to trespassing some specific journal rules or standards (such as too offensive language, etc.). That also means that, because the comments were collected months or even years after their publication, the comments that got sampled represent content that the news organizations decided (actively or passively) to keep on their sites.7 Alžbětko is a nonofficial name, an attempt to create a neutral grammatical gender form of the female first name Alžběta. The name was introduced by Alžbětko themself but was appropriated by the public and became a typical example of a mockery of nonbinary people.8 A reference to Alžbětko’s protest act during which they used superglue to stick themself to the road.9 In the Czech context, bearers of liberal, multicultural stances are frequently labelled negatively as sluníčkáři, a term which refers to the shining sun (“sunshiners” or “little suns”) and can be considered an equivalent to the English expression “do-gooders.”Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (GACR), Standard Grant Nr 21-28556S—“The role of online media in constructing, negotiating, and practicing children’s active citizenship.”\",\"PeriodicalId\":211920,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Women's Studies in Communication\",\"volume\":\"30 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-19\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Women's Studies in Communication\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Women's Studies in Communication","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要本文通过关注对公开活跃的、不成熟的性别行动者的网络言语攻击,对网络仇恨中各种反话语的交集进行了相对稀缺的研究。它揭示了对青年政治行动者的话语拒绝模式与更广泛描述的对活动家妇女的仇恨相似。报告也证明,这些暴力表达不再局限于极端或极右翼政治圈子,也就是以往研究的典型焦点,而是渗透到媒体领域的主流公民讨论中。这篇文章认为,青年演员是脆弱的,因为他们的个人特征被挑出来,在网络领域被过度关注和嘲笑为不正常,或者因为他们与意识形态有关,而讨论家认为这些意识形态在构建想象的集体身份和动员反话语方面是危险的。关键词:青年活动、网络仇恨、交叉性、超可见性、话语排斥披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1我从Martinsson和Ericson (Citation2022)那里借用了“反话语”一词,他们在关于反性别运动的文章中使用了这个词,作为基于意识形态立场(如“反性别”或“反伊斯兰”)的各种形式的拒绝的概括。他们提到,虽然他们选择反性别话语进行分析,但材料中的反伊斯兰和种族主义话语也可以成为文章的主题,并得出结论,“强调这些不同形式的反话语的相互联系是很重要的”(Martinsson和Ericson Citation2022, 2)。我发现这个术语在我分析针对青年演员的交叉仇恨时特别有用,其中各种反话语结合在一起关于“反对女权主义和女性政治行动的长期历史”(包括女孩积极分子)和“反对她们的政治和自我”的总结,参见Duvall (Citation2022, 2)“反性别”运动或话语一词是在文学中建立起来的(Kováts & Põim Citation2015;Martinsson & ericsson, Citation2022),认为这是一套拒绝性别平等努力的想法,产生了“一个关于性别平等和LGBTQ权利斗争被放弃的社会愿景”(Martinsson & ericsson Citation2022,第2-3页)。Kováts和Põim对“反性别运动”的定义是,这些运动“想要宣称性别平等是一种‘意识形态’,并引入误导性的‘性别意识形态’或‘性别理论’,这些术语扭曲了性别平等的成就”(2015,11)。作者认为,反性别运动的主要目标是“所谓的‘宣传’LGBTI权利、生殖权利和生物技术、性教育和平等教育”,反性别运动的活动对性别平等立法产生了负面影响(2015,11)。Barla和Bjork-James (Citation2021)将“反性别主义”定义为一种“排斥性解放、LGBTQI权利和性别平等”的方法(2021,381)已经1991年,克伦肖指出她的文本“相交的种族主义和性别主义模式”(克伦肖Citation1991, p . 1243)有色妇女的生活,她的“关注种族和性别的十字路口只强调了需要考虑的多个理由身份在考虑社会世界是如何构建”(1991,第1245页),因为其他因素,如类或性,往往同样color.5的关键在塑造女性的经验并不是涵盖下面列出的案例的每篇文章都有可用的讨论部分,只有那些支持讨论并保持可访问性的文章才被选择用于分析。我们只选取主流的日报和周刊新闻媒体进行分析,以确保样本能够代表主流的网络公民话语。5 .对某些案件进行大量负面报道的虚假信息渠道未包括在调查范围内所有评论都是在2022年8月收集的,因此反映了当时讨论的性质。当然,有可能(而且极有可能),由于违反了某些特定的期刊规则或标准(如过于攻击性的语言等),一些最初发表的针对文章的评论被管理员删除了。这也意味着,由于这些评论是在发表数月甚至数年后收集的,因此被抽样的评论代表了新闻机构决定(主动或被动)保留在其网站上的内容Alžbětko是一个非官方的名字,试图创造一个中性的语法性别形式的女性名字Alžběta。这个名字是Alžbětko自己提出的,但被大众挪用,成为嘲弄非二元性的典型例子。
Singled Out and Mocked: Intersection of (Hetero)Sexism and Ableism and Mobilization of Anti-Discourses in Online Hatred towards Hypervisibilized Youth Activists
AbstractThis article contributes to the relatively scarce research on the intersection of various anti-discourses in online hatred by focusing on online verbal attacks on publicly active, nonmature actors of diverse genders. It reveals that patterns of the discursive rejection of youth political actors are similar to the more extensively described hatred against activist women. It also documents that these violent expressions are no longer limited to the realm of extreme or far-right political circles, the typical focus of previous studies, but have penetrated mainstream civic discussions across the media sphere. Youth actors are vulnerable, the article argues, because their individual characteristics are singled out, made hypervisible and mocked as abnormal in the online sphere, or because they are associated with ideologies which the discussants reject as dangerous in their construction of imagined collective identities and mobilization of anti-discourses.Keywords: Youth activismonline hatredintersectionalityhypervisibilitydiscursive exclusion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I borrow the term “anti-discourses” from Martinsson and Ericson (Citation2022) who employ it in their article on anti-gender movements as a generalization of various forms of rejection based on ideological stances (such as “anti-gender” or “anti-Islam”). They mention that whereas they selected anti-gender discourses for their analysis, anti-Islam and racists discourses in their material could also be the subject of the article and conclude that “it is important to emphasize the interconnectedness of these different forms of anti-discourses” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, 2). I find this term especially useful in my analysis of intersectional hatred targeting youth actors in which various anti-discourses are combined.2 For a summary of the “long history of backlash against feminist and female political action” including girl activists and the “backlash against their politics and selves,” see also Duvall (Citation2022, 2).3 The term “anti-gender” movement or discourse is established in literature (Kováts & Põim Citation2015; Martinsson & Ericson, Citation2022) as a set of ideas refusing gender equality efforts by producing “a vision about a society where the struggle for gender equality and LGBTQ rights is abandoned” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, pp. 2–3). Kováts and Põim define “anti-gender movements” by stating that these movements “want to claim that gender equality is an ‘ideology’, and introduce the misleading terms ‘gender ideology’ or ‘gender theory’ which distort the achievements of gender equality” (2015, 11). According to the authors, the main targets of anti-gender movements are “the alleged ‘propaganda’ for LGBTI rights, for reproductive rights and biotechnology, for sexual and equality education” and the activity of anti-gender movements has negative consequences for the legislation on gender equality (2015, 11). Barla and Bjork-James (Citation2021) define “anti-genderism” as an approach “[r]ejecting sexual emancipation, LGBTQI rights, and gender equality” (2021, 381).4 Already in 1991, Crenshaw pointed out in her seminal text on the “intersecting patterns of racism and sexism” (Crenshaw, Citation1991, p. 1243) in the lives of women of color that her “focus on the intersections of race and gender only highlights the need to account for multiple grounds of identity when considering how the social world is constructed” (1991, p. 1245) because other factors, such as class or sexuality, are often equally critical in shaping the experiences of women of color.5 Not every article covering the cases listed below has the discussion section available, only those enabling discussion and keeping it accessible were selected for the analysis. Only mainstream daily and weekly news outlets were selected for analysis to ensure a sample representing mainstream online civic discourses. Disinformation outlets which paid a lot of negative attention to some of the cases were not included in the sample.6 All comments were collected during August 2022 and thus reflect the character of the discussion at that time. It is, of course, possible (and most probable) that some comments published originally in reaction to the articles were erased by the administrators due to trespassing some specific journal rules or standards (such as too offensive language, etc.). That also means that, because the comments were collected months or even years after their publication, the comments that got sampled represent content that the news organizations decided (actively or passively) to keep on their sites.7 Alžbětko is a nonofficial name, an attempt to create a neutral grammatical gender form of the female first name Alžběta. The name was introduced by Alžbětko themself but was appropriated by the public and became a typical example of a mockery of nonbinary people.8 A reference to Alžbětko’s protest act during which they used superglue to stick themself to the road.9 In the Czech context, bearers of liberal, multicultural stances are frequently labelled negatively as sluníčkáři, a term which refers to the shining sun (“sunshiners” or “little suns”) and can be considered an equivalent to the English expression “do-gooders.”Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (GACR), Standard Grant Nr 21-28556S—“The role of online media in constructing, negotiating, and practicing children’s active citizenship.”