2021年军事政变后的美国对缅政策及其在中美战略竞争下的前景

Roy Anthony Rogers, Wui Chern Liew, Jatswan Singh Sidhu
{"title":"2021年军事政变后的美国对缅政策及其在中美战略竞争下的前景","authors":"Roy Anthony Rogers, Wui Chern Liew, Jatswan Singh Sidhu","doi":"10.1080/00927678.2023.2262354","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article examines recent foreign policy of the United States (US) toward Myanmar in the aftermath of the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing on February 1, 2021. In response to the coup, President Joe Biden imposed targeted sanctions on the responsible military leaders. Against the backdrop of rising tensions between the US and China, this article explores the future of US–Myanmar relations and a possible return to the previously strained relationship from 1994 to 2008. To investigate the motives behind the coup by the Tatmadaw and the responses of the US executive and legislative branches, this article utilizes a combination of document research and semi-structured interviews with retired diplomats, scholars, observers, and activists. The analysis concludes that the US will likely continue its targeted sanctions policy while maintaining diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in order to maintain influence in Myanmar during the US–China strategic competition. The article also highlights the potential for a future deterioration of US–Myanmar relations.Keywords: Myanmar/BurmaUnited StatesChina factormilitary coup 2021targeted sanction AcknowledgementsThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for profit sectors. There are no conflicts of interest from any parties that may affect the objectivity of this work.Notes1 Nehginpao Kipgen, “The 2020 Myanmar Election and the 2021 Coup: Deepening Democracy or Widening Division?,” Asian Affairs 52, no. 1 (2021): 4–6, https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1886429.2 Larry Jagan, “New Democracy Demands Unleashed,” Bangkok Post, November 12, 2020, https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/2018139/new-democracy-demands-unleashed.3 “Myanmar’s Purchase of Planes From Jordan a Sign of Things to Come,” The Irrawaddy, December 18, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/myanmars-purchase-planes-jordan-sign-things-come.html; Ashiwini Deshpande, Thandar Hnin Khaing, and Tom Traill, “Future Development: Myanmar’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic,” Brookings, December 1, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2020/12/01/myanmars-response-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/.4 Maung Aung Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948 (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2011), 168.5 Erin Murphy, Burmese Haze: US Policy and Myanmar’s Opening - and Closing (Michigan, US: Association for Asian Studies, 2022), 171–72.6 Olivia Enos, “Scaling Up the US Response to the Coup in Burma,” Backgrounder, no. 3629 (2021): 4, 6.7 Moe Thuzar, “Burma/Myanmar and the United States: The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance,” Asia Policy 16, no. 4 (2021): 141–42, https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0062.8 Alan P. Dobson and Steve Marsh, US Foreign Policy Since 1948: Making of the Contemporary World, 2nd ed. (New York, US: Routledge, 2006), 207–8.9 Ibid., 205, 210–11.10 David I. Steinberg, “Burma-Myanmar: The US-Burmese Relationship and Its Vicissitudes,” in Short of the Goal: U.S. Policy and Poorly Performing States, ed. Nancy Birdsall, Milan Vaishnav, and Robert L. Ayres (Washington, US: Center for Global Development, 2006), 223–24.11 Kenton Clymer, A Delicate Relationship: The United States and Burma/Myanmar Since 1945 (New York, US: Cornell University Press, 2015), 236–37.12 Ibid., 263, 271–72.13 Jürgen Haacke, “The United States and Myanmar: From Antagonists to Security Partners?,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (2015): 55–83, https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.14 Ibid.15 Nehginpao Kipgen, “US–Myanmar Relations: Change of Politics under the Bush and Obama Administrations,” in Myanmar: A Political History, ed. Nehginpao Kipgen (New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 2016), 111–12, https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof.16 Ibid.17 Su-Ann Oh and Philip Andrews-Speed, Chinese Investment and Myanmar’s Shifting Political Landscape (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2015), 37.18 Michal Kolmaš and Šárka Kolmašová, “A ‘Pivot’ That Never Existed: America’s Asian Strategy under Obama and Trump,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 32, no. 1 (2019): 7, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1553936.19 “US-Myanmar Policy Under Trump in the Spotlight With New Sanctions,” The Diplomat, July 18, 2019, https://thediplomat.com/2019/07/us-myanmar-policy-under-trump-in-the-spotlight-with-new-sanctions/.20 “Donald Trump Could Be Starting a New Cold War With China,” TIME, January 2017, https://time.com/4644775/donald-trump-china-trade-cold-war/; “A New Cold War Has Begun,” Foreign Policy, January 2019, https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/07/a-new-cold-war-has-begun/.21 David I. Steinberg and Hongwei Fan, Modern China-Myanmar Relations: Dilemmas of Mutual Dependence (Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press, 2012), 360.22 Ibid., 361–63.23 Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar and China: A Special Relationship?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2003, 2003, 193–94.24 Ibid., 194–95.25 Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948, 189–90.26 Ibid.27 Maung Aung Myoe, “The Logic of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 3 (2016): 283–98, https://doi.org/10.1177/2057891116637476.28 Chiung Chiu Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Pacific Review 28, no. 2 (2015): 195, https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2014.995122.29 Enze Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” Chinese Journal of International Politics 11, no. 1 (2018): 97, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pox017.30 Renaud Egreteau and Larry Jagan, Soldiers and Diplomacy in Burma: Understanding the Foreign Relations of the Burmese Praetorian State (Singapore: NUS Press, 2013), 139.31 Robert H. Taylor, The State in Myanmar (London, UK: HURST Publishers Ltd, 2009).32 Ian Holliday, “Myanmar in 2012: Toward a Normal State,” Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (February 2013): 99–100, https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.93.33 Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” 206.34 Andrea Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2021, no. 1 (2021): 226, https://doi.org/10.1355/aa21-1m.35 Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”36 Christopher Lamont, Research Methods in International Relations (London: SAGE Publications, 2015), 78–80.37 Victoria D. Alexander et al., “Mixed Methods,” in Researching Social Life, ed. Nigel Gilbert, 3rd ed. (London, 2008), 127.38 Lamont, 82.39 “Myanmar Junta Scraps Retirement Age for Its Leaders,” The Irrawaddy, May 20, 2021, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-scraps-retirement-age-for-its-leaders.html.40 Simon Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China,” Reuters, March 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-lobbyist/lobbyist-says-myanmar-junta-wants-to-improve-relations-with-the-west-spurn-china-idUSKBN2AY0K0.41 Roger Lee Huang, “Myanmar’s Way to Democracy and the Limits of the 2015 Elections,” Asian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (2017): 9, https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2016.1245154.42 Kimana Zulueta-Fulscher, “Looking Back at the Myanmar Constitution Amendment Process,” International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, April 8, 2020, https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/looking-back-myanmar-constitution-amendment-process.43 San Yamin Aung, “The Untouchable Articles in Myanmar’s Constitution,” The Irrawaddy, March 23, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/specials/untouchable-articles-myanmars-constitution.html.44 David I. Steinberg, The Military in Burma/Myanmar: On the Longevity of Tatmadaw Rule and Influence, Trend in Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021), 30, https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(76)90032-2.45 Nyein Nyein, “Amending Myanmar’s Constitution: An Issue That Will Not Go Away,” The Irrawaddy, September 22, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/amending-myanmars-constitution-issue-will-not-go-away.html.46 “Min Aung Hlaing Makes Himself Military Supremo for Life,” Myanmar Now, May 22, 2021, https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/min-aung-hlaing-makes-himself-military-supremo-for-life.47 Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” 81–82.48 Tha Wah Saw, “Explaining Myanmar’s Foreign Policy Behavior: Domestic and International Factors” (Yangon, Myanmar, 2016), 9–10, https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.10195.07201.49 Ralph Jennings, “Myanmar, Though Suspicious of China, Edges Closer to Beijing for Safety,” Voice of America, December 25, 2019, https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/myanmar-though-suspicious-china-edges-closer-beijing-safety.50 斯 [Si] 洋 [Yang], “民众愤怒, 军人转向, 中国恐成缅甸政变的输家 [Public Anger, Military Turn Direction, Chinese Challenge after Military Coup],” 美国之声 [Voice of America], March 10, 2021, https://www.voachinese.com/a/china-Myanmar-west-03092021/5808091.html.51 Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China.”52 Scot Marciel, E-mail interview, December 15, 2020.53 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.54 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.55 “United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order,” US Department of the Treasury, February 11, 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0024.56 “USAID Directs $42ml in Response to Military Coup in Myanmar,” The Business Standard, February 12, 2021, https://www.tbsnews.net/world/usaid-redirects-42ml-response-military-coup-myanmar-200716.57 Daphne Psaledakis and Simon Lewis, “US, Allies Coordinate New Sanctions on Myanmar Junta,” Reuters, May 17, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/us-imposes-fresh-sanctions-myanmar-junta-targets-governing-body-2021-05-17/.58 Erwida Maulia and Ismi Damayanti, “ASEAN ‘Consensus’ Urges Myanmar Junta to End Violence,” Nikkei Asia Review, April 24, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Myanmar-Coup/ASEAN-consensus-urges-Myanmar-junta-to-end-violence; “Myanmar Junta Says No ASEAN Envoy Visit Until Stability Restored,” Reuters, May 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/myanmar-junta-says-seeks-stability-before-allowing-asean-envoy-visit-2021-05-07/.59 Bhavan Jaipragas, “UN Envoy Urges ASEAN to Act AS Myanmar Junta Ignores Consensus Plan,” South China Morning Post, May 25, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3134804/un-envoy-urges-asean-act-myanmar-junta-ignores-consensus-plan.60 James M. Scott and Ralph G. Carter, “Acting on the Hill: Congressional Assertiveness in US Foreign Policy,” Congress and the Presidency 29, no. 2 (2002): 153, 166, https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507732.61 Dan Balz and Marianna Sotomayor, “Key Issues,” Washington Post, May 18, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2022/key-issues-voting-2022-midterms/.62 Nike Ching, “US: ‘All Options on Table’ to Punish Myanmar Junta Over Executions,” Voice of America, July 25, 2022, https://www.voanews.com/a/us-all-options-on-table-to-punish-myanmar-junta-over-executions-/6673458.html.63 Richard N. Haas, “Sanctioning Madness,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 6 (1997): 74–85.64 “Public’s Top Priority for 2022: Strengthening the Nation’s Economy,” Pew Research Centre, February 16, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/16/publics-top-priority-for-2022-strengthening-the-nations-economy/.65 Nina Silove, “The Pivot Before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power Balance in Asia,” International Security 40, no. 4 (2016): 45–46, https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC.66 Tom Mitchell, “Prominent Chinese ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomat Moved to Obscure Role,” Financial Times, January 10, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5197c3ff-3864-4f38-9458-de9e48ea8888.67 Philip Mousavizadeh, “The Biden Administration’s China Policy: An Inventory of Actions to Address the Challenge,” Just Security, July 8, 2022, https://www.justsecurity.org/82252/the-biden-administrations-china-policy-an-inventory-of-actions-to-address-the-challenge/.68 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.69 Han Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar,” East Asia Forum, February 6, 2021, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/02/06/china-does-not-like-the-coup-in-myanmar/.70 Shannon Tiezzi, “What the Myanmar Coup Means for China,” The Diplomat, February 3, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/what-the-myanmar-coup-means-for-china/.71 Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar.”72 Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury, “Myanmar: China’s Multi-Faceted Relations with Myanmar,” in The China Factor: Beijing’s Expanding Engagement in Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar (New Delhi, India: Kalpana Shukla, 2022), 255.73 Lucas Myers, “Balancing Acts in US Southeast Asia Policy,” Wilson Centre: Asia Dispatchers, October 25, 2022, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/balancing-acts-us-southeast-asia-policy.74 Ronald Findlay, Cyn Young Park, and Jean Pierre A. Verbiest, “Myanmar: Building Economic Foundations,” Asian-Pacific Economic Literature 30, no. 1 (2016): 45, https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12133.75 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.76 According to Freedom House, “liberal democracies” are defined as countries that possess both civil liberties and an electoral system, while \"partly free\" countries are characterized as having an electoral system but lacking civil liberties. Their survey shows a decline in the number of liberal democracies from 89 in 2008 to 58 in 2009.77 David I. Steinberg, “The United States and Myanmar: A ‘Boutique Issue’?,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) 86, no. 1 (2010): 193.78 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.79 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.80 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.81 Trevor Wilson, “Democratization in Myanmar and the Arab Uprisings,” in Democracy and Reform in the Middle East and Asia: Social Protest and Authoritarian Rule after the Arab Spring, ed. Saikal Amin and Acharya Amitav (London: I.B. Taurus, 2014), 188.82 Ibid., 187.83 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.84 Thompson Chau and Dominic Oo, “Did China Deliver a Snub to Myanmar’s Military Regime?,” Aljazeera, January 11, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/11/beijing-delivers-subtle-snub-to-myanmars-military-regime; Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”85 Myo Hein Ye and Lucas Myers, “Is Myanmar the Frontline of a New Cold War?,” Foreign Affairs, June 19, 2023, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/burma-myanmar/new-cold-war-hein-myers.86 “缅甸领导人敏昂莱会见秦刚 [Myanmar Leader Min Aung Hlaing Greets Qin Gang],” 中华人民共和国外交部 [Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC], May 3, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjbz_673089/bzzj/202305/t20230503_11069518.shtml.87 Heather Chen, “UN Expert Says Myanmar Imported $1 Billion in Arms since Coup,” CNN, May 19, 2023, https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/18/world/un-myanmar-report-military-junta-deadly-arms-sales-russia-china-intl-hnk/index.html.88 “Cabinet Approves Additional Investment by ONGC Videsh Ltd.,” Press Information Bureau of Government of India, June 24, 2020, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1633915; Niranjan Marjani, “India Faces a Two-Front Challenge From Post-Coup Myanmar,” The Diplomat, April 26, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/india-faces-a-two-front-challenge-from-post-coup-myanmar/.89 “Myanmar,” Enterprise Singapore, 2023, https://www.enterprisesg.gov.sg/grow-your-business/go-global/market-guides/southeast-asia/myanmar/overview.90 Baharudin Hariz, “S’pore Does Not Ban Trade with Myanmar, but Prevents Some Sale of Items That Can Hurt Civilians: Vivian,” The Straits Times, July 4, 2023, https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/s-pore-does-not-ban-trade-with-myanmar-but-prevents-sale-of-items-that-can-hurt-civilians-vivian.91 “Thailand to Host Meeting to ‘Fully Re-Engage’ Myanmar’s Generals,” Aljazeera, June 19, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/19/thailand-to-host-meeting-to-fully-re-engage-myanmars-generals.92 Wongcha-um Panu, Poppy Mcpherson, and Ananda Teresia, “Thailand Seeking to Re-Engage Myanmar Junta with ASEAN Meeting,” Reuters, June 17, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/thailand-seeking-re-engage-myanmar-junta-with-asean-meeting-letter-sources-2023-06-16/.93 Scot Marciel, Email interview, December 15, 2020; Derek Mitchell, Email interview, January 15, 2021.94 In Washington, the NLD formed a parallel government, the National Coalition Government (NCG), after the military rejected the 1990 election. Until its resolution in 2012, this government never received official recognition from the US and its allies.95 Grant Peck, “Myanmar Extends State of Emergency, Delaying Expected Polls,” Associated Press, February 2, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/politics-myanmar-government-min-aung-hlaing-a8feaa2812b09a95533efc9252194313.96 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.97 Jessica T. Mathews, “Present at the Re-Creation?,” Foreign Affairs: Decline and Fall: Can America Ever Lead Again? 100, no. 2 (2021): 13.98 Debbie Stothard, Zoom interview, January 19, 2021.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRoy Anthony RogersDr. Roy Anthony Rogers is Associate Professor in the Asia Europe Institute and the Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be contacted at rarogers@um.edu.myWui Chern LiewLiew Wui Chern is PhD candidate in Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya. He can be contacted at liewwuichern@gmail.comJatswan Singh SidhuDr. Jatswan S. Sidhu is Professor in the School of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences and Leisure Management, Taylor’s University in Subang Jaya, Malaysia. He can be contacted at jatswan.singh@taylors.edu.my","PeriodicalId":493036,"journal":{"name":"Asian Affairs: An American Review","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The United States’ Myanmar policy after the 2021 military coup and its prospects under China–US strategic competition\",\"authors\":\"Roy Anthony Rogers, Wui Chern Liew, Jatswan Singh Sidhu\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/00927678.2023.2262354\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"AbstractThis article examines recent foreign policy of the United States (US) toward Myanmar in the aftermath of the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing on February 1, 2021. In response to the coup, President Joe Biden imposed targeted sanctions on the responsible military leaders. Against the backdrop of rising tensions between the US and China, this article explores the future of US–Myanmar relations and a possible return to the previously strained relationship from 1994 to 2008. To investigate the motives behind the coup by the Tatmadaw and the responses of the US executive and legislative branches, this article utilizes a combination of document research and semi-structured interviews with retired diplomats, scholars, observers, and activists. The analysis concludes that the US will likely continue its targeted sanctions policy while maintaining diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in order to maintain influence in Myanmar during the US–China strategic competition. The article also highlights the potential for a future deterioration of US–Myanmar relations.Keywords: Myanmar/BurmaUnited StatesChina factormilitary coup 2021targeted sanction AcknowledgementsThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for profit sectors. There are no conflicts of interest from any parties that may affect the objectivity of this work.Notes1 Nehginpao Kipgen, “The 2020 Myanmar Election and the 2021 Coup: Deepening Democracy or Widening Division?,” Asian Affairs 52, no. 1 (2021): 4–6, https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1886429.2 Larry Jagan, “New Democracy Demands Unleashed,” Bangkok Post, November 12, 2020, https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/2018139/new-democracy-demands-unleashed.3 “Myanmar’s Purchase of Planes From Jordan a Sign of Things to Come,” The Irrawaddy, December 18, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/myanmars-purchase-planes-jordan-sign-things-come.html; Ashiwini Deshpande, Thandar Hnin Khaing, and Tom Traill, “Future Development: Myanmar’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic,” Brookings, December 1, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2020/12/01/myanmars-response-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/.4 Maung Aung Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948 (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2011), 168.5 Erin Murphy, Burmese Haze: US Policy and Myanmar’s Opening - and Closing (Michigan, US: Association for Asian Studies, 2022), 171–72.6 Olivia Enos, “Scaling Up the US Response to the Coup in Burma,” Backgrounder, no. 3629 (2021): 4, 6.7 Moe Thuzar, “Burma/Myanmar and the United States: The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance,” Asia Policy 16, no. 4 (2021): 141–42, https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0062.8 Alan P. Dobson and Steve Marsh, US Foreign Policy Since 1948: Making of the Contemporary World, 2nd ed. (New York, US: Routledge, 2006), 207–8.9 Ibid., 205, 210–11.10 David I. Steinberg, “Burma-Myanmar: The US-Burmese Relationship and Its Vicissitudes,” in Short of the Goal: U.S. Policy and Poorly Performing States, ed. Nancy Birdsall, Milan Vaishnav, and Robert L. Ayres (Washington, US: Center for Global Development, 2006), 223–24.11 Kenton Clymer, A Delicate Relationship: The United States and Burma/Myanmar Since 1945 (New York, US: Cornell University Press, 2015), 236–37.12 Ibid., 263, 271–72.13 Jürgen Haacke, “The United States and Myanmar: From Antagonists to Security Partners?,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (2015): 55–83, https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.14 Ibid.15 Nehginpao Kipgen, “US–Myanmar Relations: Change of Politics under the Bush and Obama Administrations,” in Myanmar: A Political History, ed. Nehginpao Kipgen (New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 2016), 111–12, https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof.16 Ibid.17 Su-Ann Oh and Philip Andrews-Speed, Chinese Investment and Myanmar’s Shifting Political Landscape (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2015), 37.18 Michal Kolmaš and Šárka Kolmašová, “A ‘Pivot’ That Never Existed: America’s Asian Strategy under Obama and Trump,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 32, no. 1 (2019): 7, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1553936.19 “US-Myanmar Policy Under Trump in the Spotlight With New Sanctions,” The Diplomat, July 18, 2019, https://thediplomat.com/2019/07/us-myanmar-policy-under-trump-in-the-spotlight-with-new-sanctions/.20 “Donald Trump Could Be Starting a New Cold War With China,” TIME, January 2017, https://time.com/4644775/donald-trump-china-trade-cold-war/; “A New Cold War Has Begun,” Foreign Policy, January 2019, https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/07/a-new-cold-war-has-begun/.21 David I. Steinberg and Hongwei Fan, Modern China-Myanmar Relations: Dilemmas of Mutual Dependence (Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press, 2012), 360.22 Ibid., 361–63.23 Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar and China: A Special Relationship?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2003, 2003, 193–94.24 Ibid., 194–95.25 Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948, 189–90.26 Ibid.27 Maung Aung Myoe, “The Logic of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 3 (2016): 283–98, https://doi.org/10.1177/2057891116637476.28 Chiung Chiu Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Pacific Review 28, no. 2 (2015): 195, https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2014.995122.29 Enze Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” Chinese Journal of International Politics 11, no. 1 (2018): 97, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pox017.30 Renaud Egreteau and Larry Jagan, Soldiers and Diplomacy in Burma: Understanding the Foreign Relations of the Burmese Praetorian State (Singapore: NUS Press, 2013), 139.31 Robert H. Taylor, The State in Myanmar (London, UK: HURST Publishers Ltd, 2009).32 Ian Holliday, “Myanmar in 2012: Toward a Normal State,” Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (February 2013): 99–100, https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.93.33 Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” 206.34 Andrea Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2021, no. 1 (2021): 226, https://doi.org/10.1355/aa21-1m.35 Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”36 Christopher Lamont, Research Methods in International Relations (London: SAGE Publications, 2015), 78–80.37 Victoria D. Alexander et al., “Mixed Methods,” in Researching Social Life, ed. Nigel Gilbert, 3rd ed. (London, 2008), 127.38 Lamont, 82.39 “Myanmar Junta Scraps Retirement Age for Its Leaders,” The Irrawaddy, May 20, 2021, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-scraps-retirement-age-for-its-leaders.html.40 Simon Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China,” Reuters, March 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-lobbyist/lobbyist-says-myanmar-junta-wants-to-improve-relations-with-the-west-spurn-china-idUSKBN2AY0K0.41 Roger Lee Huang, “Myanmar’s Way to Democracy and the Limits of the 2015 Elections,” Asian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (2017): 9, https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2016.1245154.42 Kimana Zulueta-Fulscher, “Looking Back at the Myanmar Constitution Amendment Process,” International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, April 8, 2020, https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/looking-back-myanmar-constitution-amendment-process.43 San Yamin Aung, “The Untouchable Articles in Myanmar’s Constitution,” The Irrawaddy, March 23, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/specials/untouchable-articles-myanmars-constitution.html.44 David I. Steinberg, The Military in Burma/Myanmar: On the Longevity of Tatmadaw Rule and Influence, Trend in Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021), 30, https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(76)90032-2.45 Nyein Nyein, “Amending Myanmar’s Constitution: An Issue That Will Not Go Away,” The Irrawaddy, September 22, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/amending-myanmars-constitution-issue-will-not-go-away.html.46 “Min Aung Hlaing Makes Himself Military Supremo for Life,” Myanmar Now, May 22, 2021, https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/min-aung-hlaing-makes-himself-military-supremo-for-life.47 Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” 81–82.48 Tha Wah Saw, “Explaining Myanmar’s Foreign Policy Behavior: Domestic and International Factors” (Yangon, Myanmar, 2016), 9–10, https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.10195.07201.49 Ralph Jennings, “Myanmar, Though Suspicious of China, Edges Closer to Beijing for Safety,” Voice of America, December 25, 2019, https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/myanmar-though-suspicious-china-edges-closer-beijing-safety.50 斯 [Si] 洋 [Yang], “民众愤怒, 军人转向, 中国恐成缅甸政变的输家 [Public Anger, Military Turn Direction, Chinese Challenge after Military Coup],” 美国之声 [Voice of America], March 10, 2021, https://www.voachinese.com/a/china-Myanmar-west-03092021/5808091.html.51 Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China.”52 Scot Marciel, E-mail interview, December 15, 2020.53 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.54 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.55 “United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order,” US Department of the Treasury, February 11, 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0024.56 “USAID Directs $42ml in Response to Military Coup in Myanmar,” The Business Standard, February 12, 2021, https://www.tbsnews.net/world/usaid-redirects-42ml-response-military-coup-myanmar-200716.57 Daphne Psaledakis and Simon Lewis, “US, Allies Coordinate New Sanctions on Myanmar Junta,” Reuters, May 17, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/us-imposes-fresh-sanctions-myanmar-junta-targets-governing-body-2021-05-17/.58 Erwida Maulia and Ismi Damayanti, “ASEAN ‘Consensus’ Urges Myanmar Junta to End Violence,” Nikkei Asia Review, April 24, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Myanmar-Coup/ASEAN-consensus-urges-Myanmar-junta-to-end-violence; “Myanmar Junta Says No ASEAN Envoy Visit Until Stability Restored,” Reuters, May 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/myanmar-junta-says-seeks-stability-before-allowing-asean-envoy-visit-2021-05-07/.59 Bhavan Jaipragas, “UN Envoy Urges ASEAN to Act AS Myanmar Junta Ignores Consensus Plan,” South China Morning Post, May 25, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3134804/un-envoy-urges-asean-act-myanmar-junta-ignores-consensus-plan.60 James M. Scott and Ralph G. Carter, “Acting on the Hill: Congressional Assertiveness in US Foreign Policy,” Congress and the Presidency 29, no. 2 (2002): 153, 166, https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507732.61 Dan Balz and Marianna Sotomayor, “Key Issues,” Washington Post, May 18, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2022/key-issues-voting-2022-midterms/.62 Nike Ching, “US: ‘All Options on Table’ to Punish Myanmar Junta Over Executions,” Voice of America, July 25, 2022, https://www.voanews.com/a/us-all-options-on-table-to-punish-myanmar-junta-over-executions-/6673458.html.63 Richard N. Haas, “Sanctioning Madness,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 6 (1997): 74–85.64 “Public’s Top Priority for 2022: Strengthening the Nation’s Economy,” Pew Research Centre, February 16, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/16/publics-top-priority-for-2022-strengthening-the-nations-economy/.65 Nina Silove, “The Pivot Before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power Balance in Asia,” International Security 40, no. 4 (2016): 45–46, https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC.66 Tom Mitchell, “Prominent Chinese ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomat Moved to Obscure Role,” Financial Times, January 10, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5197c3ff-3864-4f38-9458-de9e48ea8888.67 Philip Mousavizadeh, “The Biden Administration’s China Policy: An Inventory of Actions to Address the Challenge,” Just Security, July 8, 2022, https://www.justsecurity.org/82252/the-biden-administrations-china-policy-an-inventory-of-actions-to-address-the-challenge/.68 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.69 Han Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar,” East Asia Forum, February 6, 2021, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/02/06/china-does-not-like-the-coup-in-myanmar/.70 Shannon Tiezzi, “What the Myanmar Coup Means for China,” The Diplomat, February 3, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/what-the-myanmar-coup-means-for-china/.71 Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar.”72 Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury, “Myanmar: China’s Multi-Faceted Relations with Myanmar,” in The China Factor: Beijing’s Expanding Engagement in Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar (New Delhi, India: Kalpana Shukla, 2022), 255.73 Lucas Myers, “Balancing Acts in US Southeast Asia Policy,” Wilson Centre: Asia Dispatchers, October 25, 2022, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/balancing-acts-us-southeast-asia-policy.74 Ronald Findlay, Cyn Young Park, and Jean Pierre A. Verbiest, “Myanmar: Building Economic Foundations,” Asian-Pacific Economic Literature 30, no. 1 (2016): 45, https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12133.75 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.76 According to Freedom House, “liberal democracies” are defined as countries that possess both civil liberties and an electoral system, while \\\"partly free\\\" countries are characterized as having an electoral system but lacking civil liberties. Their survey shows a decline in the number of liberal democracies from 89 in 2008 to 58 in 2009.77 David I. Steinberg, “The United States and Myanmar: A ‘Boutique Issue’?,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) 86, no. 1 (2010): 193.78 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.79 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.80 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.81 Trevor Wilson, “Democratization in Myanmar and the Arab Uprisings,” in Democracy and Reform in the Middle East and Asia: Social Protest and Authoritarian Rule after the Arab Spring, ed. Saikal Amin and Acharya Amitav (London: I.B. Taurus, 2014), 188.82 Ibid., 187.83 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.84 Thompson Chau and Dominic Oo, “Did China Deliver a Snub to Myanmar’s Military Regime?,” Aljazeera, January 11, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/11/beijing-delivers-subtle-snub-to-myanmars-military-regime; Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”85 Myo Hein Ye and Lucas Myers, “Is Myanmar the Frontline of a New Cold War?,” Foreign Affairs, June 19, 2023, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/burma-myanmar/new-cold-war-hein-myers.86 “缅甸领导人敏昂莱会见秦刚 [Myanmar Leader Min Aung Hlaing Greets Qin Gang],” 中华人民共和国外交部 [Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC], May 3, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjbz_673089/bzzj/202305/t20230503_11069518.shtml.87 Heather Chen, “UN Expert Says Myanmar Imported $1 Billion in Arms since Coup,” CNN, May 19, 2023, https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/18/world/un-myanmar-report-military-junta-deadly-arms-sales-russia-china-intl-hnk/index.html.88 “Cabinet Approves Additional Investment by ONGC Videsh Ltd.,” Press Information Bureau of Government of India, June 24, 2020, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1633915; Niranjan Marjani, “India Faces a Two-Front Challenge From Post-Coup Myanmar,” The Diplomat, April 26, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/india-faces-a-two-front-challenge-from-post-coup-myanmar/.89 “Myanmar,” Enterprise Singapore, 2023, https://www.enterprisesg.gov.sg/grow-your-business/go-global/market-guides/southeast-asia/myanmar/overview.90 Baharudin Hariz, “S’pore Does Not Ban Trade with Myanmar, but Prevents Some Sale of Items That Can Hurt Civilians: Vivian,” The Straits Times, July 4, 2023, https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/s-pore-does-not-ban-trade-with-myanmar-but-prevents-sale-of-items-that-can-hurt-civilians-vivian.91 “Thailand to Host Meeting to ‘Fully Re-Engage’ Myanmar’s Generals,” Aljazeera, June 19, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/19/thailand-to-host-meeting-to-fully-re-engage-myanmars-generals.92 Wongcha-um Panu, Poppy Mcpherson, and Ananda Teresia, “Thailand Seeking to Re-Engage Myanmar Junta with ASEAN Meeting,” Reuters, June 17, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/thailand-seeking-re-engage-myanmar-junta-with-asean-meeting-letter-sources-2023-06-16/.93 Scot Marciel, Email interview, December 15, 2020; Derek Mitchell, Email interview, January 15, 2021.94 In Washington, the NLD formed a parallel government, the National Coalition Government (NCG), after the military rejected the 1990 election. Until its resolution in 2012, this government never received official recognition from the US and its allies.95 Grant Peck, “Myanmar Extends State of Emergency, Delaying Expected Polls,” Associated Press, February 2, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/politics-myanmar-government-min-aung-hlaing-a8feaa2812b09a95533efc9252194313.96 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.97 Jessica T. Mathews, “Present at the Re-Creation?,” Foreign Affairs: Decline and Fall: Can America Ever Lead Again? 100, no. 2 (2021): 13.98 Debbie Stothard, Zoom interview, January 19, 2021.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRoy Anthony RogersDr. Roy Anthony Rogers is Associate Professor in the Asia Europe Institute and the Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be contacted at rarogers@um.edu.myWui Chern LiewLiew Wui Chern is PhD candidate in Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya. He can be contacted at liewwuichern@gmail.comJatswan Singh SidhuDr. Jatswan S. Sidhu is Professor in the School of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences and Leisure Management, Taylor’s University in Subang Jaya, Malaysia. He can be contacted at jatswan.singh@taylors.edu.my\",\"PeriodicalId\":493036,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Asian Affairs: An American Review\",\"volume\":\"51 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-03\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Asian Affairs: An American Review\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2023.2262354\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asian Affairs: An American Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2023.2262354","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Alexander等人,“混合方法”,《社会生活研究》,主编,Nigel Gilbert,第三版(伦敦,2008),127.38 Lamont, 82.39“缅甸军政府废除其领导人的退休年龄”,《伊洛瓦底》,2021年5月20日,https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-scraps-retirement-age-for-its-leaders.html.40 Simon Lewis,“说客称缅甸军政府希望改善与西方的关系,摒弃中国,”路透社,2021年3月7日,https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-lobbyist/lobbyist-says-myanmar-junta-wants-to-improve-relations-with-the-west-spurn-china-idUSKBN2AY0K0.41 Roger Lee Huang,“缅甸的民主之路与2015年选举的局限性”,《亚洲政治科学杂志》第25期。1 (2017):9、https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2016.1245154.42朱鲁埃塔-富尔舍:《缅甸修宪进程的回顾》,国际民主与选举援助研究所,2020年4月8日,https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/looking-back-myanmar-constitution-amendment-process.43翁山明:《缅甸宪法中不可触及的条款》,《伊洛瓦底江》,2020年3月23日,https://www.irrawaddy.com/specials/untouchable-articles-myanmars-constitution.html.44大卫·斯坦伯格:《缅甸军队:论武装部队统治和影响的长年性》,东南亚趋势(新加坡:ISEAS出版社,2021),第30期,https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(76)90032-2.45 Nyein Nyein,“修改缅甸宪法:《一个不会消失的问题》,《伊洛瓦底江报》,2020年9月22日,https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/amending-myanmars-constitution-issue-will-not-go-away.html.46《敏昂莱自封终身军事最高领导人》,《现在的缅甸》,2021年5月22日,https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/min-aung-hlaing-makes-himself-military-supremo-for-life.47韩,《中美竞争的阴影下:未来的未来》缅甸与泰国的结盟选择,< 81-82.48 Tha Wah Saw >,解释缅甸的外交政策行为:国内和国际因素”(仰光,缅甸,2016),9 - 10,https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.10195.07201.49拉尔夫·詹宁斯,“缅甸,尽管怀疑中国,逼近北京安全,”美国之音,2019年12月25日,https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/myanmar-though-suspicious-china-edges-closer-beijing-safety.50斯(Si)洋(杨),“民众愤怒,军人转向,中国恐成缅甸政变的输家(公众的愤怒,军事转方向,中国军事政变后的挑战),“[美国之音],2021年3月10日,https://www.voachinese.com/a/china-Myanmar-west-03092021/5808091.html.51刘易斯,“游说者称缅甸军政府希望改善与西方的关系,摒弃中国。52 scott Marciel,电子邮件采访,2020.12月15日;Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp采访,2021.4月3日;Htet Aung Lin, Zoom采访,2021.55年1月14日《美国根据新行政命令打击缅甸军事政变领导人》,美国财政部,2021年2月11日,https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0024.56《美国国际开发署为应对缅甸军事政变拨款4200万美元》。《商业标准报》,2021年2月12日,https://www.tbsnews.net/world/usaid-redirects-42ml-response-military-coup-myanmar-200716.57 Daphne Psaledakis和Simon Lewis,“美国及其盟友协调对缅甸军政府的新制裁”,路透社,2021年5月17日,https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/us-imposes-fresh-sanctions-myanmar-junta-targets-governing-body-2021-05-17/。 58 Erwida Maulia和Ismi Damayanti,“东盟‘共识’敦促缅甸军政府结束暴力”,《日经亚洲评论》,2021年4月24日,https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Myanmar-Coup/ASEAN-consensus-urges-Myanmar-junta-to-end-violence;路透社,2021年5月7日,https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/myanmar-junta-says-seeks-stability-before-allowing-asean-envoy-visit-2021-05-07/.59 Bhavan Jaipragas,“联合国特使敦促东盟采取行动,缅甸军政府无视共识计划,”《南华早报》,2021年5月25日,https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3134804/un-envoy-urges-asean-act-myanmar-junta-ignores-consensus-plan.60詹姆斯·m·斯科特、拉尔夫·g·卡特:《国会山行动:美国外交政策中的国会自信》,《国会与总统》第29期。2(2002): 153、166,https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507732.61丹·巴尔茨和玛丽安娜·索托马约尔,“关键问题”,《华盛顿邮报》,2022年5月18日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2022/key-issues-voting-2022-midterms/.62 Nike Ching,“美国:“所有选项都摆在桌面上”,美国之音,2022年7月25日,https://www.voanews.com/a/us-all-options-on-table-to-punish-myanmar-junta-over-executions-/6673458.html.63理查德·n·哈斯,“制裁疯狂”,《外交事务》76期,第76期。“公众2022年的首要任务:加强国家经济”,皮尤研究中心,2022年2月16日,https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/16/publics-top-priority-for-2022-strengthening-the-nations-economy/.65 Nina Silove,“再转向:美国保持亚洲力量平衡的战略”,《国际安全》第40期,第74-85.64页。Tom Mitchell,“中国著名的‘战狼’外交官被调到不知名的角色”,《金融时报》,2023年1月10日,https://www.ft.com/content/5197c3ff-3864-4f38-9458-de9e48ea8888.67 Philip Mousavizadeh,“拜登政府的对华政策:库存的行动来解决所面临的挑战,“只是安全,7月8日,2022年,https://www.justsecurity.org/82252/the-biden-administrations-china-policy-an-inventory-of-actions-to-address-the-challenge/.68拉里•Jagan变焦的采访中,1月8日,2021.69汉Enze,“中国不像缅甸的政变,“东亚论坛,2021年2月6日,https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/02/06/china-does-not-like-the-coup-in-myanmar/.70香农Tiezzi,“缅甸政变对中国意味着什么,”《外交官》杂志,2021年2月3日https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/what-the-myanmar-coup-means-for-china/.71恩泽,“中国不喜欢缅甸政变。72 Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury,“缅甸:中国与缅甸的多方面关系”,载于《中国因素:北京在斯里兰卡、马尔代夫、孟加拉国和缅甸的扩大参与》(印度新德里:Kalpana Shukla, 2022), 255.73 Lucas Myers,“美国东南亚政策中的平衡行为”,威尔逊中心:亚洲调度员,2022年10月25日,https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/balancing-acts-us-southeast-asia-policy.74 Ronald Findlay, Cyn Young Park和Jean Pierre A. Verbiest,“缅甸:《建设经济基础》,《亚太经济文献》第30期。1 (2016): 45, https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12133.75安德鲁·塞尔斯,电子邮件采访,2020年12月8日76“自由之家”将“自由民主”定义为既拥有公民自由又有选举制度的国家,而“部分自由”国家则被定义为拥有选举制度但缺乏公民自由的国家。他们的调查显示,自由民主国家的数量从2008年的89个下降到2009年的58个。大卫·斯坦伯格,《美国和缅甸:精品问题?》,《国际事务》(皇家国际事务研究所,1944-)86号。特·昂林,Zoom访谈,2021.1月14日;安德鲁·塞尔斯,电子邮件访谈,2020.12月8日;拉里·贾根,Zoom访谈,2021.1月8日;特雷弗·威尔逊,“缅甸的民主化和阿拉伯起义”,《中东和亚洲的民主与改革:阿拉伯之春后的社会抗议和威权统治》,赛卡尔·阿明和阿查里亚·阿米塔夫主编,伦敦:Andrew Selth,电子邮件采访,20120.12月8日。84 Thompson Chau和Dominic Oo,“中国是否冷落了缅甸军政府?”半岛电视台,2023年1月11日,https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/11/beijing-delivers-subtle-snub-to-myanmars-military-regime;全国民主联盟政府下的缅甸外交政策:回归消极中立主义?85 Myo Hein Ye和Lucas Myers,《缅甸是新冷战的前线吗?》,《外交事务》,2023年6月19日,https://www.foreignaffairs.com/burma-myanmar/new-cold-war-hein-myers.86“甸缅甸领导人闵昂莱欢迎秦刚”,《中华人民共和国外交部》,2023年5月3日,https://www.fmprc.gov。 cn/wjbz_673089/bzzj/202305/t20230503_11069518.shtml.87Heather Chen,“联合国专家称缅甸自政变以来进口了10亿美元的武器”,CNN, 2023年5月19日,https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/18/world/un-myanmar-report-military-junta-deadly-arms-sales-russia-china-intl-hnk/index.html.88“内阁批准ONGC Videsh Ltd的额外投资”,印度政府新闻信息局,2020年6月24日,https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1633915;Niranjan Marjani,“印度面临来自缅甸政变后的双重挑战”,《外交官》,2023年4月26日,https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/india-faces-a-two-front-challenge-from-post-coup-myanmar/.89“缅甸”,《新加坡企业》,2023年,https://www.enterprisesg.gov.sg/grow-your-business/go-global/market-guides/southeast-asia/myanmar/overview.90 Baharudin Hariz,“新加坡不禁止与缅甸贸易,但禁止出售一些可能伤害平民的物品:维维安,《海峡时报》,2023年7月4日,https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/s-pore-does-not-ban-trade-with-myanmar-but-prevents-sale-of-items-that-can-hurt-civilians-vivian.91“泰国将主办缅甸将军“全面重新接触”会议,”半岛电视台,2023年6月19日,https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/19/thailand-to-host-meeting-to-fully-re-engage-myanmars-generals.92 Wongcha-um Panu, Poppy Mcpherson和Ananda Teresia,“泰国寻求与缅甸军政府重新参与东盟会议”,路透社,2023年6月17日,https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/thailand-seeking-re-engage-myanmar-junta-with-asean-meeting-letter-sources-2023-06-16/.93 Scot Marciel,电子邮件采访,2020年12月15日;在华盛顿,在军方拒绝1990年的选举后,全国民主联盟组建了一个平行政府——全国联合政府(National Coalition government, NCG)。在2012年决议之前,这个政府从未得到美国及其盟友的正式承认格兰特·派克,“缅甸延长紧急状态,推迟预期的投票”,美联社,2023年2月2日,https://apnews.com/article/politics-myanmar-government-min-aung-hlaing-a8feaa2812b09a95533efc9252194313.96格温·罗宾逊,WhatsApp采访,2021.4月3日。,《外交事务:衰亡:美国能再次领先吗?》100年,没有。2 (2021): 13.98 Debbie Stothard, Zoom访谈,2021年1月19日。作者简介roy Anthony rogersr。罗伊·安东尼·罗杰斯,马来西亚吉隆坡马来亚大学亚欧研究所和国际战略研究系副教授。可以通过rarogers@um.edu.myWui与他联系。陈伟,马来亚大学国际与战略研究系博士研究生。可以通过liewwuichern@gmail.comJatswan Singh SidhuDr与他联系。Jatswan S. Sidhu,马来西亚梳邦查亚泰勒大学社会科学与休闲管理学院文理学院教授。可以通过jatswan.singh@taylors.edu.my与他联系
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The United States’ Myanmar policy after the 2021 military coup and its prospects under China–US strategic competition
AbstractThis article examines recent foreign policy of the United States (US) toward Myanmar in the aftermath of the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing on February 1, 2021. In response to the coup, President Joe Biden imposed targeted sanctions on the responsible military leaders. Against the backdrop of rising tensions between the US and China, this article explores the future of US–Myanmar relations and a possible return to the previously strained relationship from 1994 to 2008. To investigate the motives behind the coup by the Tatmadaw and the responses of the US executive and legislative branches, this article utilizes a combination of document research and semi-structured interviews with retired diplomats, scholars, observers, and activists. The analysis concludes that the US will likely continue its targeted sanctions policy while maintaining diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in order to maintain influence in Myanmar during the US–China strategic competition. The article also highlights the potential for a future deterioration of US–Myanmar relations.Keywords: Myanmar/BurmaUnited StatesChina factormilitary coup 2021targeted sanction AcknowledgementsThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for profit sectors. There are no conflicts of interest from any parties that may affect the objectivity of this work.Notes1 Nehginpao Kipgen, “The 2020 Myanmar Election and the 2021 Coup: Deepening Democracy or Widening Division?,” Asian Affairs 52, no. 1 (2021): 4–6, https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1886429.2 Larry Jagan, “New Democracy Demands Unleashed,” Bangkok Post, November 12, 2020, https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/2018139/new-democracy-demands-unleashed.3 “Myanmar’s Purchase of Planes From Jordan a Sign of Things to Come,” The Irrawaddy, December 18, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/myanmars-purchase-planes-jordan-sign-things-come.html; Ashiwini Deshpande, Thandar Hnin Khaing, and Tom Traill, “Future Development: Myanmar’s Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic,” Brookings, December 1, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2020/12/01/myanmars-response-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/.4 Maung Aung Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948 (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2011), 168.5 Erin Murphy, Burmese Haze: US Policy and Myanmar’s Opening - and Closing (Michigan, US: Association for Asian Studies, 2022), 171–72.6 Olivia Enos, “Scaling Up the US Response to the Coup in Burma,” Backgrounder, no. 3629 (2021): 4, 6.7 Moe Thuzar, “Burma/Myanmar and the United States: The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance,” Asia Policy 16, no. 4 (2021): 141–42, https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0062.8 Alan P. Dobson and Steve Marsh, US Foreign Policy Since 1948: Making of the Contemporary World, 2nd ed. (New York, US: Routledge, 2006), 207–8.9 Ibid., 205, 210–11.10 David I. Steinberg, “Burma-Myanmar: The US-Burmese Relationship and Its Vicissitudes,” in Short of the Goal: U.S. Policy and Poorly Performing States, ed. Nancy Birdsall, Milan Vaishnav, and Robert L. Ayres (Washington, US: Center for Global Development, 2006), 223–24.11 Kenton Clymer, A Delicate Relationship: The United States and Burma/Myanmar Since 1945 (New York, US: Cornell University Press, 2015), 236–37.12 Ibid., 263, 271–72.13 Jürgen Haacke, “The United States and Myanmar: From Antagonists to Security Partners?,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (2015): 55–83, https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.14 Ibid.15 Nehginpao Kipgen, “US–Myanmar Relations: Change of Politics under the Bush and Obama Administrations,” in Myanmar: A Political History, ed. Nehginpao Kipgen (New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 2016), 111–12, https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof.16 Ibid.17 Su-Ann Oh and Philip Andrews-Speed, Chinese Investment and Myanmar’s Shifting Political Landscape (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2015), 37.18 Michal Kolmaš and Šárka Kolmašová, “A ‘Pivot’ That Never Existed: America’s Asian Strategy under Obama and Trump,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 32, no. 1 (2019): 7, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1553936.19 “US-Myanmar Policy Under Trump in the Spotlight With New Sanctions,” The Diplomat, July 18, 2019, https://thediplomat.com/2019/07/us-myanmar-policy-under-trump-in-the-spotlight-with-new-sanctions/.20 “Donald Trump Could Be Starting a New Cold War With China,” TIME, January 2017, https://time.com/4644775/donald-trump-china-trade-cold-war/; “A New Cold War Has Begun,” Foreign Policy, January 2019, https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/07/a-new-cold-war-has-begun/.21 David I. Steinberg and Hongwei Fan, Modern China-Myanmar Relations: Dilemmas of Mutual Dependence (Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press, 2012), 360.22 Ibid., 361–63.23 Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar and China: A Special Relationship?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2003, 2003, 193–94.24 Ibid., 194–95.25 Myoe, In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar’s China Policy Since 1948, 189–90.26 Ibid.27 Maung Aung Myoe, “The Logic of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 3 (2016): 283–98, https://doi.org/10.1177/2057891116637476.28 Chiung Chiu Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” Pacific Review 28, no. 2 (2015): 195, https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2014.995122.29 Enze Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” Chinese Journal of International Politics 11, no. 1 (2018): 97, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pox017.30 Renaud Egreteau and Larry Jagan, Soldiers and Diplomacy in Burma: Understanding the Foreign Relations of the Burmese Praetorian State (Singapore: NUS Press, 2013), 139.31 Robert H. Taylor, The State in Myanmar (London, UK: HURST Publishers Ltd, 2009).32 Ian Holliday, “Myanmar in 2012: Toward a Normal State,” Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (February 2013): 99–100, https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.93.33 Huang, “Balance of Relationship: The Essence of Myanmar’s China Policy,” 206.34 Andrea Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?,” Southeast Asian Affairs 2021, no. 1 (2021): 226, https://doi.org/10.1355/aa21-1m.35 Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”36 Christopher Lamont, Research Methods in International Relations (London: SAGE Publications, 2015), 78–80.37 Victoria D. Alexander et al., “Mixed Methods,” in Researching Social Life, ed. Nigel Gilbert, 3rd ed. (London, 2008), 127.38 Lamont, 82.39 “Myanmar Junta Scraps Retirement Age for Its Leaders,” The Irrawaddy, May 20, 2021, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/myanmar-junta-scraps-retirement-age-for-its-leaders.html.40 Simon Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China,” Reuters, March 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-lobbyist/lobbyist-says-myanmar-junta-wants-to-improve-relations-with-the-west-spurn-china-idUSKBN2AY0K0.41 Roger Lee Huang, “Myanmar’s Way to Democracy and the Limits of the 2015 Elections,” Asian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (2017): 9, https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2016.1245154.42 Kimana Zulueta-Fulscher, “Looking Back at the Myanmar Constitution Amendment Process,” International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, April 8, 2020, https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/looking-back-myanmar-constitution-amendment-process.43 San Yamin Aung, “The Untouchable Articles in Myanmar’s Constitution,” The Irrawaddy, March 23, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/specials/untouchable-articles-myanmars-constitution.html.44 David I. Steinberg, The Military in Burma/Myanmar: On the Longevity of Tatmadaw Rule and Influence, Trend in Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021), 30, https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(76)90032-2.45 Nyein Nyein, “Amending Myanmar’s Constitution: An Issue That Will Not Go Away,” The Irrawaddy, September 22, 2020, https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/amending-myanmars-constitution-issue-will-not-go-away.html.46 “Min Aung Hlaing Makes Himself Military Supremo for Life,” Myanmar Now, May 22, 2021, https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/min-aung-hlaing-makes-himself-military-supremo-for-life.47 Han, “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices,” 81–82.48 Tha Wah Saw, “Explaining Myanmar’s Foreign Policy Behavior: Domestic and International Factors” (Yangon, Myanmar, 2016), 9–10, https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.10195.07201.49 Ralph Jennings, “Myanmar, Though Suspicious of China, Edges Closer to Beijing for Safety,” Voice of America, December 25, 2019, https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/myanmar-though-suspicious-china-edges-closer-beijing-safety.50 斯 [Si] 洋 [Yang], “民众愤怒, 军人转向, 中国恐成缅甸政变的输家 [Public Anger, Military Turn Direction, Chinese Challenge after Military Coup],” 美国之声 [Voice of America], March 10, 2021, https://www.voachinese.com/a/china-Myanmar-west-03092021/5808091.html.51 Lewis, “Lobbyist Says Myanmar Junta Wants to Improve Relations with the West, Spurn China.”52 Scot Marciel, E-mail interview, December 15, 2020.53 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.54 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.55 “United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order,” US Department of the Treasury, February 11, 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0024.56 “USAID Directs $42ml in Response to Military Coup in Myanmar,” The Business Standard, February 12, 2021, https://www.tbsnews.net/world/usaid-redirects-42ml-response-military-coup-myanmar-200716.57 Daphne Psaledakis and Simon Lewis, “US, Allies Coordinate New Sanctions on Myanmar Junta,” Reuters, May 17, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/us-imposes-fresh-sanctions-myanmar-junta-targets-governing-body-2021-05-17/.58 Erwida Maulia and Ismi Damayanti, “ASEAN ‘Consensus’ Urges Myanmar Junta to End Violence,” Nikkei Asia Review, April 24, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Myanmar-Coup/ASEAN-consensus-urges-Myanmar-junta-to-end-violence; “Myanmar Junta Says No ASEAN Envoy Visit Until Stability Restored,” Reuters, May 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/myanmar-junta-says-seeks-stability-before-allowing-asean-envoy-visit-2021-05-07/.59 Bhavan Jaipragas, “UN Envoy Urges ASEAN to Act AS Myanmar Junta Ignores Consensus Plan,” South China Morning Post, May 25, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3134804/un-envoy-urges-asean-act-myanmar-junta-ignores-consensus-plan.60 James M. Scott and Ralph G. Carter, “Acting on the Hill: Congressional Assertiveness in US Foreign Policy,” Congress and the Presidency 29, no. 2 (2002): 153, 166, https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507732.61 Dan Balz and Marianna Sotomayor, “Key Issues,” Washington Post, May 18, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2022/key-issues-voting-2022-midterms/.62 Nike Ching, “US: ‘All Options on Table’ to Punish Myanmar Junta Over Executions,” Voice of America, July 25, 2022, https://www.voanews.com/a/us-all-options-on-table-to-punish-myanmar-junta-over-executions-/6673458.html.63 Richard N. Haas, “Sanctioning Madness,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 6 (1997): 74–85.64 “Public’s Top Priority for 2022: Strengthening the Nation’s Economy,” Pew Research Centre, February 16, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/16/publics-top-priority-for-2022-strengthening-the-nations-economy/.65 Nina Silove, “The Pivot Before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power Balance in Asia,” International Security 40, no. 4 (2016): 45–46, https://doi.org/10.1162/ISEC.66 Tom Mitchell, “Prominent Chinese ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomat Moved to Obscure Role,” Financial Times, January 10, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5197c3ff-3864-4f38-9458-de9e48ea8888.67 Philip Mousavizadeh, “The Biden Administration’s China Policy: An Inventory of Actions to Address the Challenge,” Just Security, July 8, 2022, https://www.justsecurity.org/82252/the-biden-administrations-china-policy-an-inventory-of-actions-to-address-the-challenge/.68 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.69 Han Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar,” East Asia Forum, February 6, 2021, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/02/06/china-does-not-like-the-coup-in-myanmar/.70 Shannon Tiezzi, “What the Myanmar Coup Means for China,” The Diplomat, February 3, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/what-the-myanmar-coup-means-for-china/.71 Enze, “China Does Not Like the Coup in Myanmar.”72 Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury, “Myanmar: China’s Multi-Faceted Relations with Myanmar,” in The China Factor: Beijing’s Expanding Engagement in Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar (New Delhi, India: Kalpana Shukla, 2022), 255.73 Lucas Myers, “Balancing Acts in US Southeast Asia Policy,” Wilson Centre: Asia Dispatchers, October 25, 2022, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/balancing-acts-us-southeast-asia-policy.74 Ronald Findlay, Cyn Young Park, and Jean Pierre A. Verbiest, “Myanmar: Building Economic Foundations,” Asian-Pacific Economic Literature 30, no. 1 (2016): 45, https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12133.75 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.76 According to Freedom House, “liberal democracies” are defined as countries that possess both civil liberties and an electoral system, while "partly free" countries are characterized as having an electoral system but lacking civil liberties. Their survey shows a decline in the number of liberal democracies from 89 in 2008 to 58 in 2009.77 David I. Steinberg, “The United States and Myanmar: A ‘Boutique Issue’?,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) 86, no. 1 (2010): 193.78 Htet Aung Lin, Zoom interview, January 14, 2021.79 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.80 Larry Jagan, Zoom interview, January 8, 2021.81 Trevor Wilson, “Democratization in Myanmar and the Arab Uprisings,” in Democracy and Reform in the Middle East and Asia: Social Protest and Authoritarian Rule after the Arab Spring, ed. Saikal Amin and Acharya Amitav (London: I.B. Taurus, 2014), 188.82 Ibid., 187.83 Andrew Selth, Email interview, December 8, 2020.84 Thompson Chau and Dominic Oo, “Did China Deliver a Snub to Myanmar’s Military Regime?,” Aljazeera, January 11, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/11/beijing-delivers-subtle-snub-to-myanmars-military-regime; Passeri, “Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?”85 Myo Hein Ye and Lucas Myers, “Is Myanmar the Frontline of a New Cold War?,” Foreign Affairs, June 19, 2023, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/burma-myanmar/new-cold-war-hein-myers.86 “缅甸领导人敏昂莱会见秦刚 [Myanmar Leader Min Aung Hlaing Greets Qin Gang],” 中华人民共和国外交部 [Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC], May 3, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjbz_673089/bzzj/202305/t20230503_11069518.shtml.87 Heather Chen, “UN Expert Says Myanmar Imported $1 Billion in Arms since Coup,” CNN, May 19, 2023, https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/18/world/un-myanmar-report-military-junta-deadly-arms-sales-russia-china-intl-hnk/index.html.88 “Cabinet Approves Additional Investment by ONGC Videsh Ltd.,” Press Information Bureau of Government of India, June 24, 2020, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1633915; Niranjan Marjani, “India Faces a Two-Front Challenge From Post-Coup Myanmar,” The Diplomat, April 26, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/india-faces-a-two-front-challenge-from-post-coup-myanmar/.89 “Myanmar,” Enterprise Singapore, 2023, https://www.enterprisesg.gov.sg/grow-your-business/go-global/market-guides/southeast-asia/myanmar/overview.90 Baharudin Hariz, “S’pore Does Not Ban Trade with Myanmar, but Prevents Some Sale of Items That Can Hurt Civilians: Vivian,” The Straits Times, July 4, 2023, https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/politics/s-pore-does-not-ban-trade-with-myanmar-but-prevents-sale-of-items-that-can-hurt-civilians-vivian.91 “Thailand to Host Meeting to ‘Fully Re-Engage’ Myanmar’s Generals,” Aljazeera, June 19, 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/19/thailand-to-host-meeting-to-fully-re-engage-myanmars-generals.92 Wongcha-um Panu, Poppy Mcpherson, and Ananda Teresia, “Thailand Seeking to Re-Engage Myanmar Junta with ASEAN Meeting,” Reuters, June 17, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/thailand-seeking-re-engage-myanmar-junta-with-asean-meeting-letter-sources-2023-06-16/.93 Scot Marciel, Email interview, December 15, 2020; Derek Mitchell, Email interview, January 15, 2021.94 In Washington, the NLD formed a parallel government, the National Coalition Government (NCG), after the military rejected the 1990 election. Until its resolution in 2012, this government never received official recognition from the US and its allies.95 Grant Peck, “Myanmar Extends State of Emergency, Delaying Expected Polls,” Associated Press, February 2, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/politics-myanmar-government-min-aung-hlaing-a8feaa2812b09a95533efc9252194313.96 Gwen Robinson, WhatsApp interview, April 3, 2021.97 Jessica T. Mathews, “Present at the Re-Creation?,” Foreign Affairs: Decline and Fall: Can America Ever Lead Again? 100, no. 2 (2021): 13.98 Debbie Stothard, Zoom interview, January 19, 2021.Additional informationNotes on contributorsRoy Anthony RogersDr. Roy Anthony Rogers is Associate Professor in the Asia Europe Institute and the Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be contacted at rarogers@um.edu.myWui Chern LiewLiew Wui Chern is PhD candidate in Department of International and Strategic Studies at University of Malaya. He can be contacted at liewwuichern@gmail.comJatswan Singh SidhuDr. Jatswan S. Sidhu is Professor in the School of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences and Leisure Management, Taylor’s University in Subang Jaya, Malaysia. He can be contacted at jatswan.singh@taylors.edu.my
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