{"title":"新自由主义时代的阿巴拉契亚","authors":"Lou Martin","doi":"10.1353/wvh.2023.a906877","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Appalachia in the Neoliberal Era Lou Martin In May 2017, four months into Donald Trump’s presidency, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman wrote about the president’s budget proposal.1 Krugman, a Nobel Prize–winning economist, noted that the cuts in social spending and the elimination of Obamacare could have devastating effects, especially on the president’s supporters. To make his observation more “concrete,” he used West Virginia as an example because it “went Trump by more than 40 percentage points.” After listing the many ways West Virginians depended on the very programs that Trump would cut, Krugman wondered why so many had voted for him. “Partly, presumably, they supported Trump because he promised—falsely, of course—that he could bring back the well-paying coal-mining jobs of yore,” he wrote. “Maybe he would take benefits away from Those People, but he would protect the programs white working-class voters, in West Virginia and elsewhere, depend on.” In other words, maybe their racism had made them victims of “an epic scam.” Krugman hoped that if they ever realized the truth about Trump, they would “punish him the only way they can—by voting for Democrats.”2 Krugman was one of the many who, trying to understand the surprising results of the 2016 election, looked to Appalachia for answers. Their observations followed a pattern. They noted the high percentage of votes for Trump, and then made assumptions about voters such as being racist and gullible and clinging to the “jobs of yore.” Finally, they would quote a few locals to support their assumptions. The narrative that emerged was that Trump won the election because of the wrongheadedness of uneducated Appalachians and others around the country like them.3 This kind of scapegoating of the region’s supposedly backward thinking echoed commentary about Appalachians for more than a century and a half. Superficial observations about Appalachian culture have been a substitute for knowledge of more complex subjects such as the region’s history and its place in the nation’s political economy. Additionally, blaming an “other” has helped reassure urban, upper-middle-class audiences in times of uncertainty.4 [End Page 1] Krugman’s conjecture about West Virginians’ voting patterns is not only an example of national observers continuing to draw on hillbilly stereotypes but is also evidence of the public’s ignorance about the region’s recent history. Historians have an important role to play in illuminating the region’s historical development over the past four decades. In this article, I do not attempt to explain the 2016 presidential election results but instead argue for the importance of conceptualizing recent decades as a distinctive historical era. In particular, I argue that understanding voting patterns, as well as other subjects, requires a better understanding of the rise of neoliberalism since the 1970s and its various effects on the nation and Appalachia.5 Policymakers and scholars have viewed Appalachia as a laboratory for liberal projects like the War on Poverty, but fewer historians have noted the shift to neoliberal policies and examined their impacts on the region. Situating the region in the neoliberal era helps illuminate the causal relationship between national policy and its economic, social, and political developments, such as the shift away from mining and manufacturing, the decline of unions, environmental degradation, modest economic growth in college and health care hubs, the defunding of state-run services, and changes in Appalachian politics. Understanding this sea change in the dominant national ideology leads to a deeper understanding of these seemingly disparate developments and helps refute explanations of political behavior that rely on the existence of a distinctive, backward Appalachian subculture.6 Scholarship on the Liberal Era and Neoliberal Era Historians of Appalachia have written extensively about midcentury liberalism, often and understandably focusing on its failures, such as the flawed assumptions of many government programs. David Whisnant’s 1980 book Modernizing the Mountaineer presented one of the first comprehensive accounts of reform efforts in the region and is also one of the most critical of reformers. He places programs from the New Deal through the War on Poverty in the larger context of outsiders’ and missionaries’ attempts to “modernize the...","PeriodicalId":350051,"journal":{"name":"West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Appalachia in the Neoliberal Era\",\"authors\":\"Lou Martin\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/wvh.2023.a906877\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Appalachia in the Neoliberal Era Lou Martin In May 2017, four months into Donald Trump’s presidency, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman wrote about the president’s budget proposal.1 Krugman, a Nobel Prize–winning economist, noted that the cuts in social spending and the elimination of Obamacare could have devastating effects, especially on the president’s supporters. To make his observation more “concrete,” he used West Virginia as an example because it “went Trump by more than 40 percentage points.” After listing the many ways West Virginians depended on the very programs that Trump would cut, Krugman wondered why so many had voted for him. “Partly, presumably, they supported Trump because he promised—falsely, of course—that he could bring back the well-paying coal-mining jobs of yore,” he wrote. “Maybe he would take benefits away from Those People, but he would protect the programs white working-class voters, in West Virginia and elsewhere, depend on.” In other words, maybe their racism had made them victims of “an epic scam.” Krugman hoped that if they ever realized the truth about Trump, they would “punish him the only way they can—by voting for Democrats.”2 Krugman was one of the many who, trying to understand the surprising results of the 2016 election, looked to Appalachia for answers. Their observations followed a pattern. They noted the high percentage of votes for Trump, and then made assumptions about voters such as being racist and gullible and clinging to the “jobs of yore.” Finally, they would quote a few locals to support their assumptions. The narrative that emerged was that Trump won the election because of the wrongheadedness of uneducated Appalachians and others around the country like them.3 This kind of scapegoating of the region’s supposedly backward thinking echoed commentary about Appalachians for more than a century and a half. Superficial observations about Appalachian culture have been a substitute for knowledge of more complex subjects such as the region’s history and its place in the nation’s political economy. Additionally, blaming an “other” has helped reassure urban, upper-middle-class audiences in times of uncertainty.4 [End Page 1] Krugman’s conjecture about West Virginians’ voting patterns is not only an example of national observers continuing to draw on hillbilly stereotypes but is also evidence of the public’s ignorance about the region’s recent history. Historians have an important role to play in illuminating the region’s historical development over the past four decades. In this article, I do not attempt to explain the 2016 presidential election results but instead argue for the importance of conceptualizing recent decades as a distinctive historical era. In particular, I argue that understanding voting patterns, as well as other subjects, requires a better understanding of the rise of neoliberalism since the 1970s and its various effects on the nation and Appalachia.5 Policymakers and scholars have viewed Appalachia as a laboratory for liberal projects like the War on Poverty, but fewer historians have noted the shift to neoliberal policies and examined their impacts on the region. Situating the region in the neoliberal era helps illuminate the causal relationship between national policy and its economic, social, and political developments, such as the shift away from mining and manufacturing, the decline of unions, environmental degradation, modest economic growth in college and health care hubs, the defunding of state-run services, and changes in Appalachian politics. Understanding this sea change in the dominant national ideology leads to a deeper understanding of these seemingly disparate developments and helps refute explanations of political behavior that rely on the existence of a distinctive, backward Appalachian subculture.6 Scholarship on the Liberal Era and Neoliberal Era Historians of Appalachia have written extensively about midcentury liberalism, often and understandably focusing on its failures, such as the flawed assumptions of many government programs. David Whisnant’s 1980 book Modernizing the Mountaineer presented one of the first comprehensive accounts of reform efforts in the region and is also one of the most critical of reformers. He places programs from the New Deal through the War on Poverty in the larger context of outsiders’ and missionaries’ attempts to “modernize the...\",\"PeriodicalId\":350051,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies\",\"volume\":\"18 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-03-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1353/wvh.2023.a906877\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wvh.2023.a906877","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
2017年5月,唐纳德·特朗普就任总统四个月后,《纽约时报》专栏作家保罗·克鲁格曼撰文评论了总统的预算提案诺贝尔经济学奖得主克鲁格曼指出,削减社会支出和取消奥巴马医改可能会产生毁灭性的影响,尤其是对总统的支持者。为了使他的观察更加“具体”,他以西弗吉尼亚州为例,因为它“领先特朗普超过40个百分点”。在列举了西弗吉尼亚人依赖特朗普将要削减的那些项目的许多方面之后,克鲁格曼想知道为什么会有这么多人投票给他。他写道:“他们支持特朗普的部分原因可能是,他承诺——当然是错误的——他可以带回过去高薪的煤矿工作。”“也许他会剥夺那些人的福利,但他会保护西弗吉尼亚州和其他地方的白人工薪阶层选民所依赖的项目。”换句话说,也许他们的种族主义使他们成为“史诗骗局”的受害者。克鲁格曼希望,如果他们意识到特朗普的真相,他们会“用他们唯一能做的方式惩罚他——投票给民主党人。”克鲁格曼是许多试图理解2016年大选令人惊讶的结果的人之一,他们在阿巴拉契亚寻找答案。他们的观察遵循一种模式。他们注意到特朗普的高支持率,然后对选民做出了一些假设,比如种族主义者、易受骗、坚持“过去的工作”。最后,他们会引用一些当地人的话来支持他们的假设。出现的说法是,特朗普赢得大选是因为没有受过教育的阿巴拉契亚人以及全国其他像他们一样的人顽固这种将该地区所谓的落后思维当作替罪羊的做法,与一个半世纪以来对阿巴拉契亚山脉的评论如出一辙。对阿巴拉契亚文化的肤浅观察已经取代了对更复杂主题的了解,比如该地区的历史及其在美国政治经济中的地位。此外,在不确定时期,指责“他者”有助于打消城市中上层观众的疑虑。克鲁格曼对西弗吉尼亚州投票模式的猜测不仅是全国观察家继续利用乡巴佬刻板印象的一个例子,也是公众对该地区近代史的无知的证据。历史学家在阐释该地区过去四十年的历史发展方面发挥着重要作用。在这篇文章中,我并不试图解释2016年总统选举的结果,而是主张将最近几十年概念化为一个独特的历史时代的重要性。特别是,我认为理解投票模式以及其他主题,需要更好地理解自20世纪70年代以来新自由主义的兴起及其对国家和阿巴拉契亚的各种影响。政策制定者和学者将阿巴拉契亚视为自由主义项目(如向贫困宣战)的实验室,但很少有历史学家注意到新自由主义政策的转变,并研究它们对该地区的影响。将该地区置于新自由主义时代有助于阐明国家政策与其经济、社会和政治发展之间的因果关系,例如从采矿和制造业转移,工会衰落,环境退化,大学和医疗中心的适度经济增长,国有服务的资金减少,以及阿巴拉契亚政治的变化。理解占主导地位的国家意识形态的这种巨大变化,有助于更深入地理解这些看似不同的发展,并有助于反驳那些依赖于独特的、落后的阿巴拉契亚亚文化存在的政治行为的解释自由主义时代和新自由主义时代的学术研究阿巴拉契亚地区的历史学家对本世纪中叶的自由主义著述颇多,他们经常关注自由主义的失败,比如许多政府项目的错误假设,这是可以理解的。David Whisnant 1980年的著作《登山者的现代化》(Modernizing the Mountaineer)是第一本全面描述该地区改革努力的书,也是对改革者最严厉的批评之一。他把从新政到向贫困宣战的项目放在更大的背景下,即局外人和传教士试图“使……
Appalachia in the Neoliberal Era Lou Martin In May 2017, four months into Donald Trump’s presidency, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman wrote about the president’s budget proposal.1 Krugman, a Nobel Prize–winning economist, noted that the cuts in social spending and the elimination of Obamacare could have devastating effects, especially on the president’s supporters. To make his observation more “concrete,” he used West Virginia as an example because it “went Trump by more than 40 percentage points.” After listing the many ways West Virginians depended on the very programs that Trump would cut, Krugman wondered why so many had voted for him. “Partly, presumably, they supported Trump because he promised—falsely, of course—that he could bring back the well-paying coal-mining jobs of yore,” he wrote. “Maybe he would take benefits away from Those People, but he would protect the programs white working-class voters, in West Virginia and elsewhere, depend on.” In other words, maybe their racism had made them victims of “an epic scam.” Krugman hoped that if they ever realized the truth about Trump, they would “punish him the only way they can—by voting for Democrats.”2 Krugman was one of the many who, trying to understand the surprising results of the 2016 election, looked to Appalachia for answers. Their observations followed a pattern. They noted the high percentage of votes for Trump, and then made assumptions about voters such as being racist and gullible and clinging to the “jobs of yore.” Finally, they would quote a few locals to support their assumptions. The narrative that emerged was that Trump won the election because of the wrongheadedness of uneducated Appalachians and others around the country like them.3 This kind of scapegoating of the region’s supposedly backward thinking echoed commentary about Appalachians for more than a century and a half. Superficial observations about Appalachian culture have been a substitute for knowledge of more complex subjects such as the region’s history and its place in the nation’s political economy. Additionally, blaming an “other” has helped reassure urban, upper-middle-class audiences in times of uncertainty.4 [End Page 1] Krugman’s conjecture about West Virginians’ voting patterns is not only an example of national observers continuing to draw on hillbilly stereotypes but is also evidence of the public’s ignorance about the region’s recent history. Historians have an important role to play in illuminating the region’s historical development over the past four decades. In this article, I do not attempt to explain the 2016 presidential election results but instead argue for the importance of conceptualizing recent decades as a distinctive historical era. In particular, I argue that understanding voting patterns, as well as other subjects, requires a better understanding of the rise of neoliberalism since the 1970s and its various effects on the nation and Appalachia.5 Policymakers and scholars have viewed Appalachia as a laboratory for liberal projects like the War on Poverty, but fewer historians have noted the shift to neoliberal policies and examined their impacts on the region. Situating the region in the neoliberal era helps illuminate the causal relationship between national policy and its economic, social, and political developments, such as the shift away from mining and manufacturing, the decline of unions, environmental degradation, modest economic growth in college and health care hubs, the defunding of state-run services, and changes in Appalachian politics. Understanding this sea change in the dominant national ideology leads to a deeper understanding of these seemingly disparate developments and helps refute explanations of political behavior that rely on the existence of a distinctive, backward Appalachian subculture.6 Scholarship on the Liberal Era and Neoliberal Era Historians of Appalachia have written extensively about midcentury liberalism, often and understandably focusing on its failures, such as the flawed assumptions of many government programs. David Whisnant’s 1980 book Modernizing the Mountaineer presented one of the first comprehensive accounts of reform efforts in the region and is also one of the most critical of reformers. He places programs from the New Deal through the War on Poverty in the larger context of outsiders’ and missionaries’ attempts to “modernize the...