{"title":"大解体:去工业化的新历史","authors":"Daryl Leeworthy","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907887","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization Daryl Leeworthy (bio) DEINDUSTRIALIZATION IS A PROCESS, NOT AN EVENT. Historians have long understood this, although the field of deindustrialization studies is itself of more recent vintage.1 The socio-economic and political implications of colliery closures, the shutting of steelworks, and the loss of cod and lobster fisheries, papermills, and other large-scale primary industries has served as a catalyst for community activism and scholarly activity in Atlantic Canada, as elsewhere, for half a century. Writing in Acadiensis in 2000, as part of the famous debate on region and regionalism, Colin Howell recalled that one of the founding aspirations of the Acadiensis Generation was to make Canadians outside of Atlantic Canada “aware of how capitalism worked to the [region’s] disadvantage”; he also noted that in his Atlantic Canada Studies classes at Saint Mary’s from the 1970s onwards, discussions centred on historical industrialization and contemporary deindustrialization.2 It is, by now, well understood that the latter is experienced from below and, in the words of Christopher H. Johnson, often “engenders quiescence, the internalization of despair.”3 Industrial communities, once so central to the national story as drivers of development, as absorbers of migrants, as modernity embodied in the white heat of production, are pushed to the margins: disregarded, peripheralized, stereotyped, and subjected to every whim of the metropolitan fallacy–part of the false narrative that the big, modern city leads and the [End Page 158] ex-coalfields or ex-steeltowns or ex-papertowns or ex-fishing villages all follow along behind like an Oliver Twist asking for more. No one who has spent any time in a former industrial community can escape the palpable sense of loss that pervades, particularly amongst those older generations who were witness-participants to what was once there. To grow up in such a place, as did I and the writers of the two books under discussion here–Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City–is to be rooted in a very particular mode of collective storytelling and of history writing.4 Memory acts as palimpsest. An empty patch of waste land is still called “the pit,” a squared-off parcel, not far away is called “the pony field” because this is where the colliery horses went during their holidays or (if they were fortunate) their retirement, a house holds onto to its tarnished reputation because a former inhabitant once broke a strike. Descendants, whether they live in the stained dwelling or not, retain the black mark of the “scab”; they are never fully trusted and never entirely integrated into the common weal of what is, otherwise, their home, their community. As Lachlan MacKinnon aptly describes in the introduction to Closing Sysco, “The historical moment in which I grew up was defined wholly by what came before.”5 It was ever thus on the industrial frontier. The deindustrializing present and a post-industrial future are the direct result of a great unravelling of the industrial past–a past in which the community was brought together around the pit, the steelworks, the papermill while producing a singular, genealogical sense of place and people or a place-identity. It will be apparent to readers external to such contexts just how emotive the language used often is, as though this is history written not in prose but in elegiac poetry. Thus, in the preface to One Job Town, Steven High writes of the papermill in Sturgeon Falls, Northern Ontario, being “suddenly ripped away,” its contents either removed and shipped out or “pulverized into dust.”6 It will be apparent also that for both authors this is personal history, the fourth wall between their observation and their involvement frequently shatters or is dispensed with entirely. “I cannot pretend to be a disinterested observer of this unfolding story,” High writes, indicatively. “I saw in Sturgeon [End Page 159] Falls a microcosm of the economic and political crisis facing the region as a whole.”7 This sense of connectivity is not an uncommon feature of histories written from below, although, per Eric...","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization\",\"authors\":\"Daryl Leeworthy\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/aca.2023.a907887\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization Daryl Leeworthy (bio) DEINDUSTRIALIZATION IS A PROCESS, NOT AN EVENT. Historians have long understood this, although the field of deindustrialization studies is itself of more recent vintage.1 The socio-economic and political implications of colliery closures, the shutting of steelworks, and the loss of cod and lobster fisheries, papermills, and other large-scale primary industries has served as a catalyst for community activism and scholarly activity in Atlantic Canada, as elsewhere, for half a century. Writing in Acadiensis in 2000, as part of the famous debate on region and regionalism, Colin Howell recalled that one of the founding aspirations of the Acadiensis Generation was to make Canadians outside of Atlantic Canada “aware of how capitalism worked to the [region’s] disadvantage”; he also noted that in his Atlantic Canada Studies classes at Saint Mary’s from the 1970s onwards, discussions centred on historical industrialization and contemporary deindustrialization.2 It is, by now, well understood that the latter is experienced from below and, in the words of Christopher H. Johnson, often “engenders quiescence, the internalization of despair.”3 Industrial communities, once so central to the national story as drivers of development, as absorbers of migrants, as modernity embodied in the white heat of production, are pushed to the margins: disregarded, peripheralized, stereotyped, and subjected to every whim of the metropolitan fallacy–part of the false narrative that the big, modern city leads and the [End Page 158] ex-coalfields or ex-steeltowns or ex-papertowns or ex-fishing villages all follow along behind like an Oliver Twist asking for more. No one who has spent any time in a former industrial community can escape the palpable sense of loss that pervades, particularly amongst those older generations who were witness-participants to what was once there. To grow up in such a place, as did I and the writers of the two books under discussion here–Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City–is to be rooted in a very particular mode of collective storytelling and of history writing.4 Memory acts as palimpsest. An empty patch of waste land is still called “the pit,” a squared-off parcel, not far away is called “the pony field” because this is where the colliery horses went during their holidays or (if they were fortunate) their retirement, a house holds onto to its tarnished reputation because a former inhabitant once broke a strike. Descendants, whether they live in the stained dwelling or not, retain the black mark of the “scab”; they are never fully trusted and never entirely integrated into the common weal of what is, otherwise, their home, their community. As Lachlan MacKinnon aptly describes in the introduction to Closing Sysco, “The historical moment in which I grew up was defined wholly by what came before.”5 It was ever thus on the industrial frontier. The deindustrializing present and a post-industrial future are the direct result of a great unravelling of the industrial past–a past in which the community was brought together around the pit, the steelworks, the papermill while producing a singular, genealogical sense of place and people or a place-identity. It will be apparent to readers external to such contexts just how emotive the language used often is, as though this is history written not in prose but in elegiac poetry. Thus, in the preface to One Job Town, Steven High writes of the papermill in Sturgeon Falls, Northern Ontario, being “suddenly ripped away,” its contents either removed and shipped out or “pulverized into dust.”6 It will be apparent also that for both authors this is personal history, the fourth wall between their observation and their involvement frequently shatters or is dispensed with entirely. “I cannot pretend to be a disinterested observer of this unfolding story,” High writes, indicatively. “I saw in Sturgeon [End Page 159] Falls a microcosm of the economic and political crisis facing the region as a whole.”7 This sense of connectivity is not an uncommon feature of histories written from below, although, per Eric...\",\"PeriodicalId\":51920,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"ACADIENSIS\",\"volume\":\"33 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.1000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-03-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"ACADIENSIS\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907887\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"历史学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"ACADIENSIS","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907887","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
大解体:去工业化的新历史达里尔·利沃西(生物)去工业化是一个过程,而不是一个事件。历史学家早就明白这一点,尽管去工业化的研究领域本身是最近才出现的半个世纪以来,煤矿关闭、钢铁厂关闭、鳕鱼和龙虾渔业、造纸厂和其他大型初级产业的损失所带来的社会经济和政治影响,与其他地方一样,成为加拿大大西洋地区社区行动主义和学术活动的催化剂。2000年,作为著名的地区和地区主义辩论的一部分,科林·豪厄尔(Colin Howell)用阿卡迪厄斯(Acadiensis)写道,阿卡迪厄斯一代的创始愿望之一是让加拿大大西洋沿岸以外的加拿大人“意识到资本主义是如何对(该地区)不利的”;他还指出,从1970年代起,他在圣玛丽大学的加拿大大西洋研究课上,讨论的重点是历史上的工业化和当代的去工业化到目前为止,人们已经很清楚,后者是从下层经历的,用克里斯托弗·h·约翰逊(Christopher H. Johnson)的话来说,它经常“导致沉默,使绝望内化”。工业社区曾经作为发展的推动者、移民的吸收者、体现在生产白热化中的现代性,在国家故事中如此重要,现在却被推到了边缘;被忽视、被边缘化、被定型,并屈从于都市谬论的每一个奇思怪想——这是现代大城市所引领的错误叙述的一部分,而前煤田、前钢铁城、前纸镇或前渔村都像雾都孤儿一样跟在后面,要求得到更多。在前工业社区待过一段时间的人,都免不了那种无处不在的明显失落感,尤其是那些曾经是那里的见证者和参与者的老一辈人。在这样的地方长大,就像我和这里讨论的两本书的作者一样——史蒂文·海的《一个工作小镇:安大略省北部的工作、归属和背叛》和拉克兰·麦金农的《关闭的Sysco:大西洋加拿大钢铁城的工业衰退》——植根于一种非常特殊的集体叙事和历史写作模式记忆起着重写的作用。一片空旷的荒地仍然被称为“坑”,不远处的一块正方形的土地被称为“小马场”,因为这是煤矿里的马在假期或(如果它们幸运的话)退休时去的地方,一所房子因为以前的居民曾经罢工而保持着它的污点声誉。子孙后代,无论是否生活在污迹斑斑的居所,都保留着“痂”的黑色印记;他们从来没有被完全信任,也从来没有完全融入到他们的家园、他们的社区的共同福利中。正如拉克兰·麦金农在《关闭Sysco》的引言中恰当地描述的那样,“我成长的历史时刻完全是由之前发生的事情决定的。它一直处于工业前沿。去工业化的现在和后工业化的未来是工业过去的巨大解体的直接结果——在过去,社区聚集在矿坑、钢铁厂、造纸厂周围,同时产生了一种独特的、系谱的地方和人的感觉,或者一个地方的身份。对于置身于这种语境之外的读者来说,他们会很明显地看到,这些语言往往是多么情绪化,仿佛这是用挽歌而不是散文写成的历史。因此,在《一个工作小镇》的序言中,史蒂文·海写道,安大略省北部斯特金瀑布市的造纸厂“突然被洗劫”,里面的东西要么被运走,要么被“碾成粉末”。很明显,对于两位作者来说,这是他们的个人历史,在他们的观察和他们的参与之间的第四堵墙经常破碎或完全被抛弃。“我不能假装自己是一个对这个正在展开的故事不感兴趣的观察者,”海暗示地写道。“我在斯特金身上看到了整个地区所面临的经济和政治危机的一个缩影。这种联系感在自下而上书写的历史中并不罕见,尽管,埃里克认为……
The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization
The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization Daryl Leeworthy (bio) DEINDUSTRIALIZATION IS A PROCESS, NOT AN EVENT. Historians have long understood this, although the field of deindustrialization studies is itself of more recent vintage.1 The socio-economic and political implications of colliery closures, the shutting of steelworks, and the loss of cod and lobster fisheries, papermills, and other large-scale primary industries has served as a catalyst for community activism and scholarly activity in Atlantic Canada, as elsewhere, for half a century. Writing in Acadiensis in 2000, as part of the famous debate on region and regionalism, Colin Howell recalled that one of the founding aspirations of the Acadiensis Generation was to make Canadians outside of Atlantic Canada “aware of how capitalism worked to the [region’s] disadvantage”; he also noted that in his Atlantic Canada Studies classes at Saint Mary’s from the 1970s onwards, discussions centred on historical industrialization and contemporary deindustrialization.2 It is, by now, well understood that the latter is experienced from below and, in the words of Christopher H. Johnson, often “engenders quiescence, the internalization of despair.”3 Industrial communities, once so central to the national story as drivers of development, as absorbers of migrants, as modernity embodied in the white heat of production, are pushed to the margins: disregarded, peripheralized, stereotyped, and subjected to every whim of the metropolitan fallacy–part of the false narrative that the big, modern city leads and the [End Page 158] ex-coalfields or ex-steeltowns or ex-papertowns or ex-fishing villages all follow along behind like an Oliver Twist asking for more. No one who has spent any time in a former industrial community can escape the palpable sense of loss that pervades, particularly amongst those older generations who were witness-participants to what was once there. To grow up in such a place, as did I and the writers of the two books under discussion here–Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City–is to be rooted in a very particular mode of collective storytelling and of history writing.4 Memory acts as palimpsest. An empty patch of waste land is still called “the pit,” a squared-off parcel, not far away is called “the pony field” because this is where the colliery horses went during their holidays or (if they were fortunate) their retirement, a house holds onto to its tarnished reputation because a former inhabitant once broke a strike. Descendants, whether they live in the stained dwelling or not, retain the black mark of the “scab”; they are never fully trusted and never entirely integrated into the common weal of what is, otherwise, their home, their community. As Lachlan MacKinnon aptly describes in the introduction to Closing Sysco, “The historical moment in which I grew up was defined wholly by what came before.”5 It was ever thus on the industrial frontier. The deindustrializing present and a post-industrial future are the direct result of a great unravelling of the industrial past–a past in which the community was brought together around the pit, the steelworks, the papermill while producing a singular, genealogical sense of place and people or a place-identity. It will be apparent to readers external to such contexts just how emotive the language used often is, as though this is history written not in prose but in elegiac poetry. Thus, in the preface to One Job Town, Steven High writes of the papermill in Sturgeon Falls, Northern Ontario, being “suddenly ripped away,” its contents either removed and shipped out or “pulverized into dust.”6 It will be apparent also that for both authors this is personal history, the fourth wall between their observation and their involvement frequently shatters or is dispensed with entirely. “I cannot pretend to be a disinterested observer of this unfolding story,” High writes, indicatively. “I saw in Sturgeon [End Page 159] Falls a microcosm of the economic and political crisis facing the region as a whole.”7 This sense of connectivity is not an uncommon feature of histories written from below, although, per Eric...