栽培史:谢尔盖·爱森斯坦的《总路线》与土地转型的电影

IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
Benjamin Crais
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Secured by the mythic status of the Lumière brothers’ Workers Leaving the Factory (1895), wherein the “first camera in the history of cinema was pointed at a factory,” cinema has often been taken to be the art of industrial modernity.2 Following what Inga Pollmann identifies as a “mutual definition of cinema as a modern medium and modernity as cinematic,” film scholars have often situated prewar European cinema within the context of urbanization, mass consumption, industrial production, and other hallmarks of modernity (of which, as Pollmann writes, cinema is understood to be emblematic).3 Yet, over thirty years after Auguste and Louis Lumière pointed their camera at the factory gates, Eisenstein would declare that the most urgent task facing cinema lay in peasant villages. Cinema, he exhorted, must “make images of agricultural character and chronicles” to compel the people of early Soviet Russia to face the “urgent” problem of peasant agriculture and its modernization. Three years later and under [End Page 138] a new title, Eisenstein’s agrarian film was released.4 “How might we write a history of cinema,” Brian R. Jacobson asks, that makes concerns with nature as “central to the narrative as technological and stylistic innovations or the worlds of machines, technologies, and urban life?”5 This essay considers The General Line—a depiction of the introduction of industrial technology and collective property relations to a rural peasant village—as opening onto such a history on the basis of industrial modernity’s unevenness. Indexing this unevenness is what in the history of Marxist theory has been referred to as “the agrarian question” (after Karl Kautsky’s book of the same name). “In its broadest meaning,” T. J. Byres writes, “the agrarian question may be defined as the continuing existence in the countryside of a poor country of substantive obstacles to an unleashing of the forces capable of generating economic development, both inside and outside agriculture.”6 At the time of the film’s production, the peasantry constituted around 80 percent of the entire Russian population and worked with agricultural equipment that, in the words of one observer, was “at least as old as the Pharaohs.”7 Leon Trotsky, surveying the conditions that had enabled the Bolsheviks to make the revolution of 1917, developed the concept of “combined and uneven development” to analyze the conjunction between the peasant countryside and the presence of heavy industry in the cities. Russia in the early decades of the twentieth century, he argued, was characterized by political, social, and economic backwardness and simultaneously—due to its integration in global capitalist markets—relatively advanced industrial production. “At the same time that peasant land-cultivation as a whole remained, right up to the revolution, at the level of the seventeenth century,” he wrote, “Russian industry in its technique and capitalist structure stood at the level of the advanced countries, and in certain respects outstripped them.”8 In the 1920s, Russia’s unevenness became especially problematic for the new Bolshevik government, as the success or failure of the communist project appeared to rest on the resolution of the problem of the Russian peasantry. The classical agrarian question, Sam Moyo, Praveen Jha, and Paris Yeros write, “was essentially the agrarian question of industrialization,” and this was the form the problem took for the early Bolshevik government.9 In the wake of the German Revolution’s failure, the Bolsheviks faced the problem of industrializing as an isolated country and experienced frequent breakdowns in the flow of agricultural goods and commodities between the country and the city (not least because in the New Economic Policy (NEP) period the peasantry were no longer compelled to supply grain). In the lead-up to Joseph Stalin’s [End Page 139] implementation of the first Five-Year Plan, the question of how to raise agricultural productivity...","PeriodicalId":40808,"journal":{"name":"Discourse-Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Cultivating History: Sergei Eisenstein’s The General Line and the Cinema of Agrarian Transition\",\"authors\":\"Benjamin Crais\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/dis.2023.a907670\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Cultivating History: Sergei Eisenstein’s The General Line and the Cinema of Agrarian Transition Benjamin Crais (bio) “There is no material more discredited in cinema than the village. There is nothing more difficult, nothing more frightening for the director. 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Cinema, he exhorted, must “make images of agricultural character and chronicles” to compel the people of early Soviet Russia to face the “urgent” problem of peasant agriculture and its modernization. Three years later and under [End Page 138] a new title, Eisenstein’s agrarian film was released.4 “How might we write a history of cinema,” Brian R. Jacobson asks, that makes concerns with nature as “central to the narrative as technological and stylistic innovations or the worlds of machines, technologies, and urban life?”5 This essay considers The General Line—a depiction of the introduction of industrial technology and collective property relations to a rural peasant village—as opening onto such a history on the basis of industrial modernity’s unevenness. Indexing this unevenness is what in the history of Marxist theory has been referred to as “the agrarian question” (after Karl Kautsky’s book of the same name). “In its broadest meaning,” T. J. Byres writes, “the agrarian question may be defined as the continuing existence in the countryside of a poor country of substantive obstacles to an unleashing of the forces capable of generating economic development, both inside and outside agriculture.”6 At the time of the film’s production, the peasantry constituted around 80 percent of the entire Russian population and worked with agricultural equipment that, in the words of one observer, was “at least as old as the Pharaohs.”7 Leon Trotsky, surveying the conditions that had enabled the Bolsheviks to make the revolution of 1917, developed the concept of “combined and uneven development” to analyze the conjunction between the peasant countryside and the presence of heavy industry in the cities. Russia in the early decades of the twentieth century, he argued, was characterized by political, social, and economic backwardness and simultaneously—due to its integration in global capitalist markets—relatively advanced industrial production. “At the same time that peasant land-cultivation as a whole remained, right up to the revolution, at the level of the seventeenth century,” he wrote, “Russian industry in its technique and capitalist structure stood at the level of the advanced countries, and in certain respects outstripped them.”8 In the 1920s, Russia’s unevenness became especially problematic for the new Bolshevik government, as the success or failure of the communist project appeared to rest on the resolution of the problem of the Russian peasantry. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

培养历史:谢尔盖·爱森斯坦的《总路线》和农业转型的电影本杰明·克里斯(传记)“在电影中,没有比村庄更不可信的素材了。对导演来说,没有什么比这更困难、更可怕的了。然而,没有什么比这更有必要了。这是谢尔盖·爱森斯坦在1926年开始写《总路线》(1929)时发表的一篇文章的开头。在lumi兄弟的《工人离开工厂》(1895)的神话地位的保证下,“电影史上第一个镜头对准了工厂”,电影经常被认为是工业现代性的艺术根据因加·波尔曼(Inga Pollmann)所说的“电影作为一种现代媒介和现代性作为电影的相互定义”,电影学者经常将战前的欧洲电影置于城市化、大众消费、工业生产和其他现代性特征的背景下(正如波尔曼所写的那样,电影被理解为具有象征意义)然而,在奥古斯特和路易·卢米埃尔将镜头对准工厂大门三十多年后,爱森斯坦宣布,电影面临的最紧迫任务在于农村。他告诫说,电影必须“制作农业人物和编年史的形象”,以迫使苏联早期的俄罗斯人民面对农民农业及其现代化的“紧迫”问题。三年后,在一个新的标题下,爱森斯坦的农业电影上映了布莱恩·r·雅各布森(Brian R. Jacobson)问道:“我们怎样才能写出一部电影史?”它把对自然的关注作为“技术和风格创新或机器、技术和城市生活世界叙事的中心”?5本文认为《总线》——对工业技术和集体财产关系引入农村的描述——在工业现代性不均衡的基础上开启了这样一段历史。在马克思主义理论史上,这种不平衡被称为“土地问题”(以卡尔·考茨基的同名著作命名)。“从最广泛的意义上说,”T. J. Byres写道,“农业问题可以被定义为一个贫穷国家的农村继续存在着实质性的障碍,阻碍了农业内部和外部能够产生经济发展的力量的释放。”在这部电影拍摄的时候,农民占俄罗斯总人口的80%左右,用一位观察者的话来说,他们使用的农业设备“至少和法老一样古老”。列昂·托洛茨基(Leon Trotsky)考察了使布尔什维克能够进行1917年革命的条件,提出了“综合和不平衡发展”的概念,以分析农村农民与城市重工业之间的联系。他认为,20世纪前几十年的俄罗斯,其特点是政治、社会和经济落后,同时由于其融入全球资本主义市场,工业生产相对发达。“与此同时,直到革命以前,农民的土地耕作总体上还停留在17世纪的水平,”他写道,“俄国工业在技术和资本主义结构上与发达国家持平,在某些方面甚至超过了它们。在20世纪20年代,俄国的不平衡对新的布尔什维克政府来说尤其成问题,因为共产主义计划的成败似乎取决于俄国农民问题的解决。Sam Moyo、Praveen Jha和Paris Yeros写道,经典的农业问题“本质上是工业化的农业问题”,这就是早期布尔什维克政府所面临的问题的形式在德国革命失败之后,布尔什维克作为一个孤立的国家面临着工业化的问题,并经历了农村和城市之间农产品和商品流动的频繁中断(尤其是因为在新经济政策(NEP)时期,农民不再被迫供应粮食)。在约瑟夫·斯大林(Joseph Stalin)实施第一个五年计划之前,如何提高农业生产力的问题……
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Cultivating History: Sergei Eisenstein’s The General Line and the Cinema of Agrarian Transition
Cultivating History: Sergei Eisenstein’s The General Line and the Cinema of Agrarian Transition Benjamin Crais (bio) “There is no material more discredited in cinema than the village. There is nothing more difficult, nothing more frightening for the director. Yet there is nothing more necessary.”1 So begins an article published by Sergei Eisenstein in 1926 upon commencing work on The General Line (1929). Secured by the mythic status of the Lumière brothers’ Workers Leaving the Factory (1895), wherein the “first camera in the history of cinema was pointed at a factory,” cinema has often been taken to be the art of industrial modernity.2 Following what Inga Pollmann identifies as a “mutual definition of cinema as a modern medium and modernity as cinematic,” film scholars have often situated prewar European cinema within the context of urbanization, mass consumption, industrial production, and other hallmarks of modernity (of which, as Pollmann writes, cinema is understood to be emblematic).3 Yet, over thirty years after Auguste and Louis Lumière pointed their camera at the factory gates, Eisenstein would declare that the most urgent task facing cinema lay in peasant villages. Cinema, he exhorted, must “make images of agricultural character and chronicles” to compel the people of early Soviet Russia to face the “urgent” problem of peasant agriculture and its modernization. Three years later and under [End Page 138] a new title, Eisenstein’s agrarian film was released.4 “How might we write a history of cinema,” Brian R. Jacobson asks, that makes concerns with nature as “central to the narrative as technological and stylistic innovations or the worlds of machines, technologies, and urban life?”5 This essay considers The General Line—a depiction of the introduction of industrial technology and collective property relations to a rural peasant village—as opening onto such a history on the basis of industrial modernity’s unevenness. Indexing this unevenness is what in the history of Marxist theory has been referred to as “the agrarian question” (after Karl Kautsky’s book of the same name). “In its broadest meaning,” T. J. Byres writes, “the agrarian question may be defined as the continuing existence in the countryside of a poor country of substantive obstacles to an unleashing of the forces capable of generating economic development, both inside and outside agriculture.”6 At the time of the film’s production, the peasantry constituted around 80 percent of the entire Russian population and worked with agricultural equipment that, in the words of one observer, was “at least as old as the Pharaohs.”7 Leon Trotsky, surveying the conditions that had enabled the Bolsheviks to make the revolution of 1917, developed the concept of “combined and uneven development” to analyze the conjunction between the peasant countryside and the presence of heavy industry in the cities. Russia in the early decades of the twentieth century, he argued, was characterized by political, social, and economic backwardness and simultaneously—due to its integration in global capitalist markets—relatively advanced industrial production. “At the same time that peasant land-cultivation as a whole remained, right up to the revolution, at the level of the seventeenth century,” he wrote, “Russian industry in its technique and capitalist structure stood at the level of the advanced countries, and in certain respects outstripped them.”8 In the 1920s, Russia’s unevenness became especially problematic for the new Bolshevik government, as the success or failure of the communist project appeared to rest on the resolution of the problem of the Russian peasantry. The classical agrarian question, Sam Moyo, Praveen Jha, and Paris Yeros write, “was essentially the agrarian question of industrialization,” and this was the form the problem took for the early Bolshevik government.9 In the wake of the German Revolution’s failure, the Bolsheviks faced the problem of industrializing as an isolated country and experienced frequent breakdowns in the flow of agricultural goods and commodities between the country and the city (not least because in the New Economic Policy (NEP) period the peasantry were no longer compelled to supply grain). In the lead-up to Joseph Stalin’s [End Page 139] implementation of the first Five-Year Plan, the question of how to raise agricultural productivity...
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