保护女性运动?反跨性别青少年体育法案和白人至上主义

IF 1.1 1区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION
Mia Fischer
{"title":"保护女性运动?反跨性别青少年体育法案和白人至上主义","authors":"Mia Fischer","doi":"10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAn unprecedented number of anti-transgender youth sports bills have been introduced in various state legislatures across the United States since 2020. These bills seek to bar trans youth from playing and competing in sports that align with their gender identity. Scrutinizing the rise in these bills and the fearmongering that accompanies them, this article untangles how the deployment of a white feminist rhetoric of “protecting women’s sports” by a coalition of anti-LGBTQ Christian conservative forces and trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) women’s sports advocates shields these bills and their proponents from accusations of transphobia and bigotry while obscuring their white supremacist underpinnings.KEYWORDS: Transgendersportsathleteslegislationwhite supremacy AcknowledgmentsMuch gratitude to K. Mohrman, Jennifer McClearen, and the anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful suggestions and critiques were crucial for sharpening my arguments. I dedicate this article to my mother whose Alzheimer journey is reminding all of us to find and treasure moments of joy and laughter even in despair.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mia Fischer and Jennifer McClearen, “Transgender Athletes and the Queer Art of Athletic Failure,” Communication & Sport 8, no. 2 (2020): 147–67; Katrina Karkazis and Rebecca Jordan-Young, “The Powers of Testosterone: Obscuring Race and Regional Bias in the Regulation of Women Athletes,” Feminist Formations 30, no. 2 (2018): 1–39; Lindsey P. Pieper, Sex Testing: Gender Policing in Women’s Sports (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2016); Sarah Teetzel, “On Transgendered Athletes, Fairness and Doping: An International Challenge,” Sport in Society 9 (2006): 227–51; Steven Petrow, “Do transgender Athletes have an Unfair Advantage at the Olympics?” Washington Post, August 8, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2 In particular, testosterone is frequently invoked as the key marker for conferring athletic advantage. There currently is, however, no consensus in the scientific literature that elevated levels of testosterone do, indeed, provide transgender or intersex athletes with a significant competitive advantage over cisgender athletes. For a basic overview of studies on the impact of testosterone on athletic performance see Will Hobson, “The Fight for the Future of Transgender Athletes,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman, “Idaho Banned Trans Athletes From Women’s Sports. She’s Fighting Back,” Sports Illustrated, June 30, 2020, https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4 Melissa Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports Ban Faces A Major Legal Hurdle,” NPR, May 3, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/05/03/991987280/idahos-transgender-sports-ban-faces-a-major-legal-hurdle5 Freedom for all Americans, “Legislative Tracker: Anti-transgender Legislation,” 2021, https://freedomforallamericans.org/legislative-tracker/anti-transgender-legislation/ (accessed July 15, 2021).6 Reddy explains that while the two standpoints may appear to be in conflict they both, albeit in different ways, “reaffirm the nation-state as either the unsignified or exclusive frame within which” freedom, rights, and power should properly be distributed. See Freedom with Violence: Race, Sexuality, and the US State (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 8.7 Robin DiAngelo, White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism (Boston: Beacon Press, 2018); Cheryl L. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review 106, no. 8 (1993): 1707–91; bell hooks, Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (London, England: Pluto Press, 2000); C.W. Mills, The Racial Contract (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); Patricia J. Williams, The Alchemy of Race and Rights. Diary of a Law Professor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).8 C. Richard King, David J. Leonard and Kyle W. Kusz, “White Power and Sport: An Introduction,” Journal of Sport & Social Issues 31, no. 1 (2007): 3–10; Ben Carrington, “‘Football’s Coming Home’ but whose Home? And Do We Want It?: Nation, Football and the Politics of Exclusion,” in Fanatics: Power, Identity and Fandom in Football, ed. Adam Brown (London: Routledge, 1998), 101–23; Mary Jo Kane, “The Better Sportswomen Get, the More the Media Ignore Them,” Communication and Sport 1, no. 3 (2013): 231–6; Michael Messner, “Reflections on Communication and Sport: On Men and Masculinities,” Communication & Sport 1, nos. 1–2 (2013): 113–24; Cheryl Cooky, LaToya Council, Maria Mears and Michael Messner, “One and Done: The Long Eclipse of Women’s Televised Sports, 1989–2019,” Communication & Sport, 9, no. 3 (2021): 347–71. doi:10.1177/21674795211003524; Jennifer McClearen, Fighting Visibility: Sports Media and Female Athletes in the UFC (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2021).9 Elizabeth A. Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy,” Laws 10, no. 63 (2021), 1–29.10 There is a long and documented history of intentional conservative political strategies, most prominently the Southern strategy, which use racially coded language that exploit and reinforce white supremacy in mainstream US politics. The most infamous example is Republican strategist Lee Atwater’s admission that there was a move away in the Republican Party from explicitly racist language to the use of more “abstract” language with phrases such as “forced busing,” “state’s rights,” and “the welfare queen” to appeal to certain voters. For more on this specific history see, for example, Anthea Butler, White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2021); Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006); or Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2016). More recently, scholars have come to acknowledge that much of this racially coded language was specifically about gender and sexuality and that a turn toward political activism around issues of gender and sexuality, especially abortion, was a way for conservative Christian political activists to (still) support white supremacist politics without explicitly acknowledging that they were doing so. See Randall Balmer, Bad Faith: Race and the Rise of the Religious Right (Grand Rapids: William B. Erdmans Publishing Company, 2021); Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017); or Seth Dowland, Family Values and Rise of the Christian Right (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015). Both of these strategies, and their effects continue to shape contemporary US politics.11 News sources included a range of national publications across the political spectrum, such as Mother Jones, the New Republic, Politico, Democracy Now, Guardian, NPR, PBS, NBC News, CBS News, New York Times, Washington Post, and Fox News to local outlets such as Connecticut Mirror, KSL-TV in Utah, and sports media such asSports Illustrated and Bleacher Report.12 Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language, 2nd ed. (New York, Routledge, 2010), 4.13 C. Riley Snorton, Black on Both Sides: A Racial History of Trans Identity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017), 8.14 Roderick A. Ferguson, Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Color Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 3.15 Stuart Hall, “The Work of Representation,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices, ed. Stuart Hall (London: Sage, 2007), 50.16 Mia Fischer, Terrorizing Gender: Transgender Visibility and the Surveillance Practices of the U.S. Security State (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019).17 Joanna Wuest, “The Scientific Gaze in American Transgender Politics: Contesting the Meanings of Sex, Gender, and Gender Identity in the Bathroom Rights Cases,” Politics & Gender 15 (2019): 336–60.18 Lisa Lowe (2015). The Intimacies of Four Continents (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015), 2 and 7.19 Ibid., 7.20 See, for example, Eric A. Stanley, Atmospheres of Violence. Structuring Antagonism and the Trans/Queer Ungovernable (Durham: Duke University Press, 2021); C. Riley Snorton and Jin Haritaworn, “Trans Necropolitics: A Transnational Reflection of Violence, Death, and the Trans of Color Afterlife,” in The Transgender Studies Reader 2, ed. Susan Stryker and Aren Z. Aizura (New York: Routledge, 2013), 66–76; Fischer, Terrorizing Gender.21 Reddy, Freedom, 8–9.22 Lowe, The Intimacies; Ferguson, Aberrations.23 See, for example, Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization. A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Ferguson, Aberrations; Oyeronke Oyewumi, The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997); Kyla Schuller, The Biopolitics of Feeling: Race, Sex, and Science in the Nineteenth Century (Durham: Duke University Press, 2018); Snorton, Black on Both Sides; Siobhan Somerville, Queering the Color Line: Race and the Invention of Homosexuality in America Culture (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000); Melissa N. Stein, Measuring Manhood: Race and the Science of Masculinity, 1830–1934 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015); Greg Thomas, The Sexual Demon of Colonial Power: Pan-African Embodiment and Erotic Schemes of Empire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007).24 Ferguson, Aberrations, 6.25 Cathy Cohen, “Bunks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3 (1997): 453.26 In 2016, North Carolina became the first state to enact anti-trans bathroom legislation. However, amid fierce backlash from corporations, entertainers, and sports leagues, especially the NBA’s decision to move the 2017 All-Star Game from Charlotte to New Orleans, the bill was eventually repealed in April 2017.27 See Bederman, Manliness & Civilization; Julian B. Carter, The Heart of Whiteness: Normal Sexuality and Race in America, 1880 -1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007); Somerville, Queering the Color Line; Schuller, The Biopolitics of Feeling.28 Mia Fischer, “Piss(ed): The Biopolitics of the Bathroom,” Communication, Culture & Critique 12 (2019): 403.29 Sheila L. Cavanagh, Queering Bathrooms: Gender, Sexuality, and the Hygienic Imagination (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 7.30 Madison Feller, “‘We All Have a Role to Play’: The Fight Against Anti-Transgender Legislation,’” Elle, June 2, 2021, https://www.elle.com/culture/career-politics/a36423383/anti-transgender-legislation-2021-roundtable/?utm_medium=social-media&utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=socialflowTWELM31 E. Cram, “‘Angie Was Our Sister’: Witnessing the Trans-Formation of Disgust in the Citizenry of Photography,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 98, no. 4 (2012): 411–38; GLAAD (2022), “Victims or Villains: Examining Ten Years of Transgender Images on Television,” glad.org. https://www.glaad.org/publications/victims-or-villains-examining-ten-years-transgender-images-television; Gordene MacKenzie and Mary Marcel, “Media Coverage of the Murder of US Transwomen of Color” in Local Violence, Global Media: Feminist Analyses of Gendered Representations, ed. Lisa M. Cuklanz and Sujata Moorti (New York: Peter Lang, 2009), 79–106; Fischer, Terrorizing Gender; Reina Gossett, Eric A. Stanley, and Johanna Burton, eds., Trap Door: Trans Cultural Production and the Politics of Visibility (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017).32 The Equality Act has been discussed and introduced in various forms since the 1970s and would amend the 1964 Civil Rights Act to include protections on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. At the time of this writing, the Equality Act’s passage remains uncertain.33 Promise to America’s Children (PAC), “About.” https://promisetoamericaschildren.org/about-us/ (accessed November 1, 2021).34 In Bad Faith, Balmer, for example, illustrates that the original catalyst for the Religious Right was not abortion and the Roe v. Wade (1973) decision, as is commonly believed, but rather mobilization in defense of maintaining racial segregation in evangelical schools and colleges over their tax-exempt status in Green v. Connally (1971).35 PAC.36 Danielle Kurtzleben, “House Passes The Equality Act: Here's What It Would Do,” NPR, February 24, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/02/24/969591569/house-to-vote-on-equality-act-heres-what-the-law-would-do37 PAC.38 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”39 Coined by political theorist Cedric J. Robinson, racial capitalism is a theoretical framework that explores the history of capitalism and explains its emergence in terms of its antecedent, racialism. Robinson posits that capitalism was preceded by, came about under, and was therefore thoroughly determined by racialism, the belief that race determines human traits and capacities. In other words, capitalism is always already a racial capitalism. See Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1983).40 Jodi Melamed, Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 77.41 See, for example, Democracy Now, “Trans Day of Visibility: Activists Chase Strangio & Raquel Willis Demand Action on Anti-Trans Laws,” Democracy Now, March 31, 2021, https://www.democracynow.org/2021/3/31/trans_day_of_visibility42 Briana January, “Fox News manufactured outrage about trans athletes. Right-wing media repeated it and earned high engagement on Facebook,” Media Matters, February 12, 2021, https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-news/fox-news-manufactured-outrage-about-trans-athletes-right-wing-media-repeated-it-and-earned43 Both cited in Abigail Weinberg, “The Real Threat to Women’s Sports Isn’t Trans Athletes. It’s Sexually Predatory Coaches,” Mother Jones, February 26, 2021, https://www.motherjones.com/mojo-wire/2021/02/the-real-threat-to-womens-sports-isnt-trans-athletes-its-sexually-predatory-coaches/44 PAC.45 Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports.”46 It is important to mention that binary “biological sex” classifications, however, are socially constructed as well. Fausto-Sterling and other scientists have demonstrated that “there is no single biological measure that unassailably places each and every human into one of two categories – male or female.” Instead, sexual development is multi-layered from chromosomal, gonadal, hormonal, to reproductive and brain sex to name a few – none of which always become strictly binary. See Anne Fausto-Sterling, “Why Sex is not Binary,” op-ed, New York Times, October 25, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/opinion/sex-biology-binary.html47 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”48 Heritage Foundation, “VIRTUAL EVENT: The Promise to America’s Children: Protecting Kids from Extreme Gender Ideology and Laws,” YouTube Video, February 23, 2021, https://www.heritage.org/gender/event/virtual-event-the-promise-americas-children-protecting-kids-extreme-gender-ideology49 Bederman, Manliness & Civilization; Somerville, Queering the Color Line.50 Carter, The Heart of Whiteness.51 Kathleen Megan, “Transgender Sports Debate Polarizes Women’s Advocates,” The Connecticut Mirror, July 22, 2019, https://ctmirror.org/2019/07/22/transgender-issues-polarizes-womens-advocates-a-conundrum/52 Associated Press, “On The First Day Of Pride Month, Florida Signed A Transgender Athlete Bill Into Law,” NPR, June 2, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/06/02/1002405412/on-the-first-day-of-pride-month-florida-signed-a-transgender-athlete-bill-into-l53 Kyla Schuller, The Trouble with White Women. A Counterhistory of Feminism (New York: Bold Type Books), 3.54 Ibid., 198.55 Lisa Duggan and Nan D. Hunter, Sex Wars: Sexual Dissent and Political Culture (10th Anniversary Edition) (New York: Routledge, 2006).56 Janice G. Raymond, The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994), 104.57 Schuller, The Trouble, 197.58 Martina Navratilova, “The Rules on Trans Athletes Reward Cheats and Punish the Innocent,” Sunday Times, February 17, 2019, https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-rules-on-trans-athletes-reward-cheats-and-punish-the-innocent-klsrq6h3x?region=global&--xx-mea=denied_for_visit%3D0%26visit_number%3D0%26visit_remaining%3D0%26visit_used%3D0&--xx-mvt-opted-out=false&--xx-uuid=f8f4bdd7d1f7827b6778c9f224f4dbb0&ni-statuscode=acsaz-30759 Pieper, Sex Testing; Sarah Teetzel, “Allyship in Elite Women’s Sport,” Sport, Ethics and Philosophy 14, no. 4 (2020): 432–48.60 Joanna Wuest, “A Conservative Right to Privacy: Legal, Ideological, and Coalitional Transformations in US Social Conservatism,” Law & Social Inquiry 46, no. 4 (2021): 968–9.61 See hooks, Feminist Theory, xiv.62 Melissa Gira Grant, “The Mothers Leading the Battle Against Trans Student Athletes,” New Republic, February 19, 2021, https://newrepublic.com/article/161425/trans-student-athletes-white-supremacy-mothers63 Elizabeth Gillespie McRae, Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy (Oxford University Press, 2018), 10.64 Balmer, Bad Faith; Cooper, Family Values; Lassiter, The Silent Majority.65 Cited in Yvonne Lindgren, “Trump’s Angry White Women: Motherhood, Nationalism, and Abortion,” Hofstra Law Review 48, no. 1 (2019): 29.66 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”67 Mirin Fader, “Andraya Yearwood Knows She Has the Right to Compete,” Bleacher Report, December 17, 2018, https://bleacherreport.com/articles/2810857-andraya-yearwood-knows-she-has-the-right-to-compete; emphasis in original.68 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”69 Fischer and McClearen, “Transgender Athletes,” 160.70 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism (New York: Routledge, 2004); Jessica Love and Lindsey Conlin Maxwell, “Serena Williams: From Catsuit to Controversy,” International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 1 (2020): 28–54.71 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”72 Changing the Game, directed by Michael Barnett (2019, Hulu).73 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1990).74 Rebecca Jordan-Young and Katrina Karkazis, Testosterone. An Unauthorized Biography (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019), 197.75 Associated Press, “Judge Tosses Suit that Sought to Block Transgender Athletes,” NBC News, April 26, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/nbc-out/out-news/judge-tosses-suit-sought-block-transgender-athletes-rcna75876 Democracy Now, “Trans Day of Visibility.”77 See, for example, James, Sandy E., Jody L. Herman, Susan Rankin, Mara Keisling, Lisa Mottet and Ma’ayan Anafi. Executive Summary of the Report of the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (Washington DC: National Center for Transgender Equality, 2016).78 The Trevor Project, “2023 U.S. National Survey on the Mental Health of LGBTQ Young People,” https://www.thetrevorproject.org/survey-2023/assets/static/05_TREVOR05_2023survey.pdf79 Title IX prohibits discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal funding and was originally passed because women faced significant barriers and inequalities in education. See Department of Justice, “Title IX Of The Education Amendments Of 1972,” https://www.justice.gov/crt/title-ix-education-amendments-1972 (accessed November 1, 2021). Because terms such as “gender identity” and “transgender” did not exist in the 1970s, the inclusion of transgender athletes under Title IX has elicited widely differing government policies and directives, shifting with each administration: “While the Obama administration released guidance focusing upon transgender inclusion, the Trump administration’s guidance focuse[d] upon states’ rights and biological determinism.” See Julie Tamerler, “Transgender Athletes and Title IX: An Uncertain Future,” Jeffrey S. Moorad Sports Law Journal 27, no. 1 (2020): 157.80 Carol Curry, Edniesha Hutchins and Meredith Flaherty, “Where are All the Women Coaches?,” New York Times, December 31, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/31/opinion/Women-coaching-sports-title-ix.html; Gabriella Levine, “NCAA March Madness Drops the Ball for Women's Basketball with Sexism Outrage,” NBCNews, March 23, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/ncaa-march-madness-drops-ball-women-s-basketball-sexism-outrage-ncna126177581 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”82 Megan Rapinoe, “Bills to Ban Transgender Kids from Sports Try to Solve a Problem that doesn’t Exist,” op-ed, Washington Post, March 28, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/03/28/megan-rapinoe-transgender-kids-sports-ban/83 Greg Abbott, Letter to Jamie Masters, Commissioner of the Texas Department of Family and Protective Services, February 22, 2022, https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-directs-dfps-to-investigate-gender-transitioning-procedures-as-child-abuse","PeriodicalId":46339,"journal":{"name":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","volume":"2 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Protecting women’s sports? Anti-trans youth sports bills and white supremacy\",\"authors\":\"Mia Fischer\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTAn unprecedented number of anti-transgender youth sports bills have been introduced in various state legislatures across the United States since 2020. These bills seek to bar trans youth from playing and competing in sports that align with their gender identity. Scrutinizing the rise in these bills and the fearmongering that accompanies them, this article untangles how the deployment of a white feminist rhetoric of “protecting women’s sports” by a coalition of anti-LGBTQ Christian conservative forces and trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) women’s sports advocates shields these bills and their proponents from accusations of transphobia and bigotry while obscuring their white supremacist underpinnings.KEYWORDS: Transgendersportsathleteslegislationwhite supremacy AcknowledgmentsMuch gratitude to K. Mohrman, Jennifer McClearen, and the anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful suggestions and critiques were crucial for sharpening my arguments. I dedicate this article to my mother whose Alzheimer journey is reminding all of us to find and treasure moments of joy and laughter even in despair.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mia Fischer and Jennifer McClearen, “Transgender Athletes and the Queer Art of Athletic Failure,” Communication & Sport 8, no. 2 (2020): 147–67; Katrina Karkazis and Rebecca Jordan-Young, “The Powers of Testosterone: Obscuring Race and Regional Bias in the Regulation of Women Athletes,” Feminist Formations 30, no. 2 (2018): 1–39; Lindsey P. Pieper, Sex Testing: Gender Policing in Women’s Sports (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2016); Sarah Teetzel, “On Transgendered Athletes, Fairness and Doping: An International Challenge,” Sport in Society 9 (2006): 227–51; Steven Petrow, “Do transgender Athletes have an Unfair Advantage at the Olympics?” Washington Post, August 8, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2 In particular, testosterone is frequently invoked as the key marker for conferring athletic advantage. There currently is, however, no consensus in the scientific literature that elevated levels of testosterone do, indeed, provide transgender or intersex athletes with a significant competitive advantage over cisgender athletes. For a basic overview of studies on the impact of testosterone on athletic performance see Will Hobson, “The Fight for the Future of Transgender Athletes,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman, “Idaho Banned Trans Athletes From Women’s Sports. She’s Fighting Back,” Sports Illustrated, June 30, 2020, https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4 Melissa Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports Ban Faces A Major Legal Hurdle,” NPR, May 3, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/05/03/991987280/idahos-transgender-sports-ban-faces-a-major-legal-hurdle5 Freedom for all Americans, “Legislative Tracker: Anti-transgender Legislation,” 2021, https://freedomforallamericans.org/legislative-tracker/anti-transgender-legislation/ (accessed July 15, 2021).6 Reddy explains that while the two standpoints may appear to be in conflict they both, albeit in different ways, “reaffirm the nation-state as either the unsignified or exclusive frame within which” freedom, rights, and power should properly be distributed. See Freedom with Violence: Race, Sexuality, and the US State (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 8.7 Robin DiAngelo, White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism (Boston: Beacon Press, 2018); Cheryl L. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review 106, no. 8 (1993): 1707–91; bell hooks, Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (London, England: Pluto Press, 2000); C.W. Mills, The Racial Contract (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); Patricia J. Williams, The Alchemy of Race and Rights. Diary of a Law Professor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).8 C. Richard King, David J. Leonard and Kyle W. Kusz, “White Power and Sport: An Introduction,” Journal of Sport & Social Issues 31, no. 1 (2007): 3–10; Ben Carrington, “‘Football’s Coming Home’ but whose Home? And Do We Want It?: Nation, Football and the Politics of Exclusion,” in Fanatics: Power, Identity and Fandom in Football, ed. Adam Brown (London: Routledge, 1998), 101–23; Mary Jo Kane, “The Better Sportswomen Get, the More the Media Ignore Them,” Communication and Sport 1, no. 3 (2013): 231–6; Michael Messner, “Reflections on Communication and Sport: On Men and Masculinities,” Communication & Sport 1, nos. 1–2 (2013): 113–24; Cheryl Cooky, LaToya Council, Maria Mears and Michael Messner, “One and Done: The Long Eclipse of Women’s Televised Sports, 1989–2019,” Communication & Sport, 9, no. 3 (2021): 347–71. doi:10.1177/21674795211003524; Jennifer McClearen, Fighting Visibility: Sports Media and Female Athletes in the UFC (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2021).9 Elizabeth A. Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy,” Laws 10, no. 63 (2021), 1–29.10 There is a long and documented history of intentional conservative political strategies, most prominently the Southern strategy, which use racially coded language that exploit and reinforce white supremacy in mainstream US politics. The most infamous example is Republican strategist Lee Atwater’s admission that there was a move away in the Republican Party from explicitly racist language to the use of more “abstract” language with phrases such as “forced busing,” “state’s rights,” and “the welfare queen” to appeal to certain voters. For more on this specific history see, for example, Anthea Butler, White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2021); Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006); or Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2016). More recently, scholars have come to acknowledge that much of this racially coded language was specifically about gender and sexuality and that a turn toward political activism around issues of gender and sexuality, especially abortion, was a way for conservative Christian political activists to (still) support white supremacist politics without explicitly acknowledging that they were doing so. See Randall Balmer, Bad Faith: Race and the Rise of the Religious Right (Grand Rapids: William B. Erdmans Publishing Company, 2021); Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017); or Seth Dowland, Family Values and Rise of the Christian Right (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015). Both of these strategies, and their effects continue to shape contemporary US politics.11 News sources included a range of national publications across the political spectrum, such as Mother Jones, the New Republic, Politico, Democracy Now, Guardian, NPR, PBS, NBC News, CBS News, New York Times, Washington Post, and Fox News to local outlets such as Connecticut Mirror, KSL-TV in Utah, and sports media such asSports Illustrated and Bleacher Report.12 Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language, 2nd ed. (New York, Routledge, 2010), 4.13 C. Riley Snorton, Black on Both Sides: A Racial History of Trans Identity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017), 8.14 Roderick A. Ferguson, Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Color Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 3.15 Stuart Hall, “The Work of Representation,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices, ed. Stuart Hall (London: Sage, 2007), 50.16 Mia Fischer, Terrorizing Gender: Transgender Visibility and the Surveillance Practices of the U.S. Security State (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019).17 Joanna Wuest, “The Scientific Gaze in American Transgender Politics: Contesting the Meanings of Sex, Gender, and Gender Identity in the Bathroom Rights Cases,” Politics & Gender 15 (2019): 336–60.18 Lisa Lowe (2015). The Intimacies of Four Continents (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015), 2 and 7.19 Ibid., 7.20 See, for example, Eric A. Stanley, Atmospheres of Violence. Structuring Antagonism and the Trans/Queer Ungovernable (Durham: Duke University Press, 2021); C. Riley Snorton and Jin Haritaworn, “Trans Necropolitics: A Transnational Reflection of Violence, Death, and the Trans of Color Afterlife,” in The Transgender Studies Reader 2, ed. Susan Stryker and Aren Z. Aizura (New York: Routledge, 2013), 66–76; Fischer, Terrorizing Gender.21 Reddy, Freedom, 8–9.22 Lowe, The Intimacies; Ferguson, Aberrations.23 See, for example, Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization. A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Ferguson, Aberrations; Oyeronke Oyewumi, The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997); Kyla Schuller, The Biopolitics of Feeling: Race, Sex, and Science in the Nineteenth Century (Durham: Duke University Press, 2018); Snorton, Black on Both Sides; Siobhan Somerville, Queering the Color Line: Race and the Invention of Homosexuality in America Culture (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000); Melissa N. Stein, Measuring Manhood: Race and the Science of Masculinity, 1830–1934 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015); Greg Thomas, The Sexual Demon of Colonial Power: Pan-African Embodiment and Erotic Schemes of Empire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007).24 Ferguson, Aberrations, 6.25 Cathy Cohen, “Bunks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3 (1997): 453.26 In 2016, North Carolina became the first state to enact anti-trans bathroom legislation. However, amid fierce backlash from corporations, entertainers, and sports leagues, especially the NBA’s decision to move the 2017 All-Star Game from Charlotte to New Orleans, the bill was eventually repealed in April 2017.27 See Bederman, Manliness & Civilization; Julian B. Carter, The Heart of Whiteness: Normal Sexuality and Race in America, 1880 -1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007); Somerville, Queering the Color Line; Schuller, The Biopolitics of Feeling.28 Mia Fischer, “Piss(ed): The Biopolitics of the Bathroom,” Communication, Culture & Critique 12 (2019): 403.29 Sheila L. Cavanagh, Queering Bathrooms: Gender, Sexuality, and the Hygienic Imagination (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 7.30 Madison Feller, “‘We All Have a Role to Play’: The Fight Against Anti-Transgender Legislation,’” Elle, June 2, 2021, https://www.elle.com/culture/career-politics/a36423383/anti-transgender-legislation-2021-roundtable/?utm_medium=social-media&utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=socialflowTWELM31 E. Cram, “‘Angie Was Our Sister’: Witnessing the Trans-Formation of Disgust in the Citizenry of Photography,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 98, no. 4 (2012): 411–38; GLAAD (2022), “Victims or Villains: Examining Ten Years of Transgender Images on Television,” glad.org. https://www.glaad.org/publications/victims-or-villains-examining-ten-years-transgender-images-television; Gordene MacKenzie and Mary Marcel, “Media Coverage of the Murder of US Transwomen of Color” in Local Violence, Global Media: Feminist Analyses of Gendered Representations, ed. Lisa M. Cuklanz and Sujata Moorti (New York: Peter Lang, 2009), 79–106; Fischer, Terrorizing Gender; Reina Gossett, Eric A. Stanley, and Johanna Burton, eds., Trap Door: Trans Cultural Production and the Politics of Visibility (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017).32 The Equality Act has been discussed and introduced in various forms since the 1970s and would amend the 1964 Civil Rights Act to include protections on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. At the time of this writing, the Equality Act’s passage remains uncertain.33 Promise to America’s Children (PAC), “About.” https://promisetoamericaschildren.org/about-us/ (accessed November 1, 2021).34 In Bad Faith, Balmer, for example, illustrates that the original catalyst for the Religious Right was not abortion and the Roe v. Wade (1973) decision, as is commonly believed, but rather mobilization in defense of maintaining racial segregation in evangelical schools and colleges over their tax-exempt status in Green v. Connally (1971).35 PAC.36 Danielle Kurtzleben, “House Passes The Equality Act: Here's What It Would Do,” NPR, February 24, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/02/24/969591569/house-to-vote-on-equality-act-heres-what-the-law-would-do37 PAC.38 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”39 Coined by political theorist Cedric J. Robinson, racial capitalism is a theoretical framework that explores the history of capitalism and explains its emergence in terms of its antecedent, racialism. Robinson posits that capitalism was preceded by, came about under, and was therefore thoroughly determined by racialism, the belief that race determines human traits and capacities. In other words, capitalism is always already a racial capitalism. See Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1983).40 Jodi Melamed, Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 77.41 See, for example, Democracy Now, “Trans Day of Visibility: Activists Chase Strangio & Raquel Willis Demand Action on Anti-Trans Laws,” Democracy Now, March 31, 2021, https://www.democracynow.org/2021/3/31/trans_day_of_visibility42 Briana January, “Fox News manufactured outrage about trans athletes. Right-wing media repeated it and earned high engagement on Facebook,” Media Matters, February 12, 2021, https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-news/fox-news-manufactured-outrage-about-trans-athletes-right-wing-media-repeated-it-and-earned43 Both cited in Abigail Weinberg, “The Real Threat to Women’s Sports Isn’t Trans Athletes. It’s Sexually Predatory Coaches,” Mother Jones, February 26, 2021, https://www.motherjones.com/mojo-wire/2021/02/the-real-threat-to-womens-sports-isnt-trans-athletes-its-sexually-predatory-coaches/44 PAC.45 Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports.”46 It is important to mention that binary “biological sex” classifications, however, are socially constructed as well. Fausto-Sterling and other scientists have demonstrated that “there is no single biological measure that unassailably places each and every human into one of two categories – male or female.” Instead, sexual development is multi-layered from chromosomal, gonadal, hormonal, to reproductive and brain sex to name a few – none of which always become strictly binary. See Anne Fausto-Sterling, “Why Sex is not Binary,” op-ed, New York Times, October 25, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/opinion/sex-biology-binary.html47 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”48 Heritage Foundation, “VIRTUAL EVENT: The Promise to America’s Children: Protecting Kids from Extreme Gender Ideology and Laws,” YouTube Video, February 23, 2021, https://www.heritage.org/gender/event/virtual-event-the-promise-americas-children-protecting-kids-extreme-gender-ideology49 Bederman, Manliness & Civilization; Somerville, Queering the Color Line.50 Carter, The Heart of Whiteness.51 Kathleen Megan, “Transgender Sports Debate Polarizes Women’s Advocates,” The Connecticut Mirror, July 22, 2019, https://ctmirror.org/2019/07/22/transgender-issues-polarizes-womens-advocates-a-conundrum/52 Associated Press, “On The First Day Of Pride Month, Florida Signed A Transgender Athlete Bill Into Law,” NPR, June 2, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/06/02/1002405412/on-the-first-day-of-pride-month-florida-signed-a-transgender-athlete-bill-into-l53 Kyla Schuller, The Trouble with White Women. A Counterhistory of Feminism (New York: Bold Type Books), 3.54 Ibid., 198.55 Lisa Duggan and Nan D. Hunter, Sex Wars: Sexual Dissent and Political Culture (10th Anniversary Edition) (New York: Routledge, 2006).56 Janice G. Raymond, The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994), 104.57 Schuller, The Trouble, 197.58 Martina Navratilova, “The Rules on Trans Athletes Reward Cheats and Punish the Innocent,” Sunday Times, February 17, 2019, https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-rules-on-trans-athletes-reward-cheats-and-punish-the-innocent-klsrq6h3x?region=global&--xx-mea=denied_for_visit%3D0%26visit_number%3D0%26visit_remaining%3D0%26visit_used%3D0&--xx-mvt-opted-out=false&--xx-uuid=f8f4bdd7d1f7827b6778c9f224f4dbb0&ni-statuscode=acsaz-30759 Pieper, Sex Testing; Sarah Teetzel, “Allyship in Elite Women’s Sport,” Sport, Ethics and Philosophy 14, no. 4 (2020): 432–48.60 Joanna Wuest, “A Conservative Right to Privacy: Legal, Ideological, and Coalitional Transformations in US Social Conservatism,” Law & Social Inquiry 46, no. 4 (2021): 968–9.61 See hooks, Feminist Theory, xiv.62 Melissa Gira Grant, “The Mothers Leading the Battle Against Trans Student Athletes,” New Republic, February 19, 2021, https://newrepublic.com/article/161425/trans-student-athletes-white-supremacy-mothers63 Elizabeth Gillespie McRae, Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy (Oxford University Press, 2018), 10.64 Balmer, Bad Faith; Cooper, Family Values; Lassiter, The Silent Majority.65 Cited in Yvonne Lindgren, “Trump’s Angry White Women: Motherhood, Nationalism, and Abortion,” Hofstra Law Review 48, no. 1 (2019): 29.66 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”67 Mirin Fader, “Andraya Yearwood Knows She Has the Right to Compete,” Bleacher Report, December 17, 2018, https://bleacherreport.com/articles/2810857-andraya-yearwood-knows-she-has-the-right-to-compete; emphasis in original.68 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”69 Fischer and McClearen, “Transgender Athletes,” 160.70 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism (New York: Routledge, 2004); Jessica Love and Lindsey Conlin Maxwell, “Serena Williams: From Catsuit to Controversy,” International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 1 (2020): 28–54.71 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”72 Changing the Game, directed by Michael Barnett (2019, Hulu).73 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1990).74 Rebecca Jordan-Young and Katrina Karkazis, Testosterone. An Unauthorized Biography (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019), 197.75 Associated Press, “Judge Tosses Suit that Sought to Block Transgender Athletes,” NBC News, April 26, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/nbc-out/out-news/judge-tosses-suit-sought-block-transgender-athletes-rcna75876 Democracy Now, “Trans Day of Visibility.”77 See, for example, James, Sandy E., Jody L. Herman, Susan Rankin, Mara Keisling, Lisa Mottet and Ma’ayan Anafi. Executive Summary of the Report of the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (Washington DC: National Center for Transgender Equality, 2016).78 The Trevor Project, “2023 U.S. National Survey on the Mental Health of LGBTQ Young People,” https://www.thetrevorproject.org/survey-2023/assets/static/05_TREVOR05_2023survey.pdf79 Title IX prohibits discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal funding and was originally passed because women faced significant barriers and inequalities in education. See Department of Justice, “Title IX Of The Education Amendments Of 1972,” https://www.justice.gov/crt/title-ix-education-amendments-1972 (accessed November 1, 2021). Because terms such as “gender identity” and “transgender” did not exist in the 1970s, the inclusion of transgender athletes under Title IX has elicited widely differing government policies and directives, shifting with each administration: “While the Obama administration released guidance focusing upon transgender inclusion, the Trump administration’s guidance focuse[d] upon states’ rights and biological determinism.” See Julie Tamerler, “Transgender Athletes and Title IX: An Uncertain Future,” Jeffrey S. Moorad Sports Law Journal 27, no. 1 (2020): 157.80 Carol Curry, Edniesha Hutchins and Meredith Flaherty, “Where are All the Women Coaches?,” New York Times, December 31, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/31/opinion/Women-coaching-sports-title-ix.html; Gabriella Levine, “NCAA March Madness Drops the Ball for Women's Basketball with Sexism Outrage,” NBCNews, March 23, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/ncaa-march-madness-drops-ball-women-s-basketball-sexism-outrage-ncna126177581 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”82 Megan Rapinoe, “Bills to Ban Transgender Kids from Sports Try to Solve a Problem that doesn’t Exist,” op-ed, Washington Post, March 28, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/03/28/megan-rapinoe-transgender-kids-sports-ban/83 Greg Abbott, Letter to Jamie Masters, Commissioner of the Texas Department of Family and Protective Services, February 22, 2022, https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-directs-dfps-to-investigate-gender-transitioning-procedures-as-child-abuse\",\"PeriodicalId\":46339,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies\",\"volume\":\"2 2\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.1000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-23\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646\",\"RegionNum\":1,\"RegionCategory\":\"文学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"COMMUNICATION\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Communication and Critical-Cultural Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2023.2267646","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"COMMUNICATION","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

【摘要】自2020年以来,美国各州立法机构提出了数量空前的反跨性别青少年体育法案。这些法案试图禁止跨性别青少年参加与他们性别认同相符的体育运动。本文仔细研究了这些法案的兴起以及随之而来的恐慌情绪,揭示了由反对lgbtq的基督教保守势力和排斥跨性别的激进女权主义(TERF)女性体育倡导者组成的联盟,如何利用“保护女性体育”的白人女权主义言论,保护这些法案及其支持者免受跨性别恐惧症和偏见的指责,同时掩盖了他们的白人至上主义基础。感谢K. Mohrman、Jennifer McClearen和匿名评论者,他们的周到建议和批评对我的论点的尖锐化至关重要。我把这篇文章献给我的母亲,她的阿尔茨海默病之旅提醒我们所有人,即使在绝望中也要找到并珍惜欢乐和欢笑的时刻。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Mia Fischer和Jennifer McClearen,“跨性别运动员和运动失败的酷儿艺术”,《Communication & Sport》第8期。2 (2020): 147-67;Katrina Karkazis和Rebecca Jordan-Young,“睾丸激素的力量:在女性运动员的管理中模糊种族和地区偏见”,《女权主义形成》第30期,第1期。2 (2018): 1-39;Lindsey P. Pieper,《性别测试:女性体育中的性别监管》(芝加哥:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2016);Sarah Teetzel,“变性运动员,公平和兴奋剂:一个国际挑战”,《体育社会》9 (2006):227-51;Steven Petrow,“跨性别运动员在奥运会上有不公平的优势吗?”《华盛顿邮报》2016年8月8日报道https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2特别是,睾丸激素经常被认为是赋予运动优势的关键指标。然而,目前在科学文献中并没有一致的观点认为,睾丸激素水平升高确实会使跨性别或双性运动员比顺性别运动员具有显著的竞争优势。有关睾酮对运动员表现影响的研究的基本概述,请参阅Will Hobson,“为变性运动员的未来而战”,华盛顿邮报,2021年4月15日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman,“爱达荷州禁止变性运动员参加女子体育运动。”她在反击,”体育画报,2020年6月30日,https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4梅丽莎·布洛克,“爱达荷州跨性别体育禁令面临重大法律障碍”,NPR, 2021年5月3日,https://www.npr.org/2021/05/03/991987280/idahos-transgender-sports-ban-faces-a-major-legal-hurdle5所有美国人的自由,“立法追踪者:反跨性别立法”,2021年,https://freedomforallamericans.org/legislative-tracker/anti-transgender-legislation/(2021年7月15日查阅)雷迪解释说,虽然这两种观点似乎存在冲突,但它们都以不同的方式“重申了民族国家要么是无意义的,要么是排他性的框架”,自由、权利和权力应该在其中得到适当的分配。参见《暴力中的自由:种族、性和美国》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2011年),8.7罗宾·迪安杰洛,《白人的脆弱性:为什么白人很难谈论种族主义》(波士顿:灯塔出版社,2018年);谢丽尔·l·哈里斯,《白人作为财产》,《哈佛法律评论》106期,第1期。8 (1993): 1707-91;贝尔·胡克斯,女权主义理论:从边缘到中心(伦敦,英国:冥王星出版社,2000);C.W.米尔斯,《种族契约》(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,1997);帕特里夏·j·威廉姆斯,《种族与权利的炼金术》。《一位法学教授日记》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1992年)C. Richard King, David J. Leonard和Kyle W. Kusz,“白人权力与体育:导论”,《体育与社会问题杂志》31期,第31期。1 (2007): 3-10;本·卡灵顿,《足球回家了》但谁的家呢?我们想要吗?:国家、足球和排斥政治”,收录于《狂热者:足球中的权力、身份和狂热》,亚当·布朗主编(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,1998),第101-23页;玛丽·乔·凯恩,《女运动员越优秀,媒体越忽视她们》,《传播与体育》第1期,第1期。3 (2013): 231-6;迈克尔·梅斯纳:《对传播与体育的反思:关于男性与男子气概》,《传播与体育》第1期,第1 - 2期(2013):113-24;Cheryl Cooky, LaToya Council, Maria Mears和Michael Messner,“一次又一次:1989-2019年女性电视体育的长期衰落”,《传播与体育》,第9期,第9期。3(2021): 347-71。doi: 10。 1177/21674795211003524;詹妮弗·麦克莱恩,战斗能见度:体育媒体和女运动员在UFC(芝加哥:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2021年)Elizabeth A. Sharrow,“体育、跨性别权利和顺性别至上的身体政治”,《法律》第10期。63(2021), 1-29.10有意保守政治策略的历史由来已久,最突出的是南方战略,它使用种族编码语言,利用和加强美国主流政治中的白人至上主义。最臭名昭著的例子是共和党战略家李·阿特沃特(Lee Atwater)承认,共和党内部已经从明确的种族主义语言转向使用更“抽象”的语言,如“强制校车”、“州权”和“福利女王”等短语,以吸引某些选民。有关这一特定历史的更多信息,例如,安西娅巴特勒,白人福音派种族主义:美国的道德政治(教堂山:UNC出版社,2021);马修·d·拉西特,《沉默的大多数:南方阳光地带的郊区政治》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2006年);或基安加-亚马哈塔·泰勒,《从#黑人生命很重要到黑人解放》(芝加哥:干草市场出版社,2016年)。最近,学者们开始认识到,这种带有种族色彩的语言,很多都是专门针对性别和性行为的,而围绕性别和性行为问题(尤其是堕胎问题)转向政治激进主义,是保守派基督教政治活动家(仍然)支持白人至上主义政治的一种方式,但他们却没有明确承认自己在这么做。参见兰德尔·巴尔默,《恶意:种族与宗教权利的兴起》(大急流城:威廉·b·厄德曼斯出版公司,2021年);梅琳达·库珀,《家庭价值观:在新自由主义和新社会保守主义之间》(剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社,2017);或Seth Dowland,《家庭价值观与基督教右翼的兴起》(费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2015)。这两种策略及其影响继续塑造着当代美国政治新闻来源包括一系列跨政治领域的全国性出版物,如《琼斯母亲》、《新共和》、《政治家》、《现在民主》、《卫报》、NPR、PBS、NBC新闻、CBS新闻、《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》和福克斯新闻,以及当地媒体,如《康涅狄格镜报》、犹他州KSL-TV,以及体育媒体,如《体育画报》和《看台报道》。《语言的批判研究》,第2版(纽约,劳特利奇出版社,2010),4.13 C.莱利·斯诺顿,《双方的黑人:跨性别身份的种族历史》(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2017),8.14罗德里克·A·弗格森,《黑人的异常:走向色彩批评的酷儿》(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2004),3.15斯图尔特·霍尔,《代表的工作》,《代表:文化代表和象征实践》,斯图尔特·霍尔编辑(伦敦:17 .米娅·菲舍尔:《恐吓性别:跨性别可见性和美国安全状态的监视实践》(林肯:内布拉斯加大学出版社,2019)乔安娜·韦斯特,《美国跨性别政治中的科学凝视:在浴室权利案件中争夺性、性别和性别认同的意义》,《政治与性别》15(2019):336-60.18。《四大洲的亲密关系》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2015),第2页和第7.19页,同上,第7.20页,例如,参见埃里克·a·斯坦利,《暴力的氛围》。结构对抗和跨性别/酷儿不可治理(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2021);C. Riley Snorton和Jin Haritaworn,“跨性别死亡政治:对暴力、死亡和跨性别来世的跨国反思”,《跨性别研究读本2》,Susan Stryker和Aren Z. Aizura主编(纽约:Routledge出版社,2013),第66-76页;费希尔,《恐怖的性别》,雷迪,《自由》,8-9.22洛,《亲密关系》;参见盖尔·贝德曼的《男子气概与文明》。《美国性别与种族文化史1880-1917》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,1995年);弗格森,畸变;《女性的发明:西方性别话语的非洲意义》(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,1997);凯拉·舒勒,《情感的生命政治:19世纪的种族、性别和科学》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2018);斯诺顿,两边都是黑人;西沃恩·萨默维尔,《打破肤色界限:种族和美国文化中同性恋的发明》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2000);梅利莎·n·斯坦:《测量男子气概:种族与男性气质科学,1830-1934》(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2015);格雷格·托马斯,《殖民权力的性恶魔:帝国的泛非化身与情色计划》(布卢明顿:印第安纳大学出版社,2007),第24页弗格森,《失常》,第6页。 凯茜·科恩,《铺位、牛刀和福利女王:酷儿政治的激进潜力?》GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3(1997): 453.26 2016年,北卡罗来纳州成为第一个颁布反跨性别浴室立法的州。然而,在企业、演艺人员和体育联盟的强烈反对下,特别是NBA决定将2017年全明星赛从夏洛特搬到新奥尔良,该法案最终于2017年4月被废除。朱利安·b·卡特,《白人之心:1880 -1940年美国的正常性与种族》(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2007年);萨默维尔,打破种族界限;28米娅·费舍尔,“尿(编辑):浴室的生命政治”,传播,文化与批判12(2019):403.29希拉·l·卡瓦纳,酷儿浴室:性别,性行为和卫生想象(多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2010),7.30麦迪逊·费勒,“我们都有一个角色要扮演”:“反对反跨性别立法的斗争”,《Elle》,2021年6月2日,https://www.elle.com/culture/career-politics/a36423383/anti-transgender-legislation-2021-roundtable/?utm_medium=social-media&utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=socialflowTWELM31 E. Cram,“安吉是我们的姐妹”:见证摄影公民中厌恶的转变,”《演讲季刊》98,no。4 (2012): 411-38;GLAAD(2022),“受害者还是恶棍:审视十年来电视上的跨性别形象”,glad.org。https://www.glaad.org/publications/victims-or-villains-examining-ten-years-transgender-images-television;戈登·麦肯齐和玛丽·马塞尔,《地方暴力中对美国有色人种跨性别女性谋杀的媒体报道》,《全球媒体:性别表现的女权主义分析》,丽莎·m·库克兰兹和苏贾塔·穆尔蒂主编,纽约:彼得·朗出版社,2009年版,第79-106页;菲舍尔:《恐怖的性别》;Reina Gossett, Eric A. Stanley和Johanna Burton编。《陷阱之门:跨文化生产与可视性政治》(剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社,2017),第32页自20世纪70年代以来,《平等法》以各种形式进行了讨论和提出,并将修订1964年的《民权法》,纳入对性取向和性别认同的保护。在写这篇文章的时候,平等法案的通过仍然不确定对美国儿童的承诺(PAC),“大约。https://promisetoamericaschildren.org/about-us/(访问日期为2021年11月1日)例如,巴尔默在《恶意》一书中指出,宗教右翼的最初催化剂并非如人们普遍认为的那样是堕胎和罗伊诉韦德案(Roe v. Wade, 1973)的裁决,而是动员起来捍卫在福音派学校和大学中维持种族隔离,而不是在格林诉康纳利案(Green v. Connally, 1971)中享有免税地位PAC.36 Danielle Kurtzleben,“众议院通过了平等法案:这就是它会做什么”,NPR, 2021年2月24日,https://www.npr.org/2021/02/24/969591569/house-to-vote-on-equality-act-heres-what-the-law-would-do37 PAC.38 Sharrow,“体育,变性人权利。”39种族资本主义是政治理论家塞德里克·j·罗宾逊(Cedric J. Robinson)提出的一个概念,它是一个理论框架,用来探索资本主义的历史,并从其前身种族主义的角度解释资本主义的出现。罗宾逊认为,资本主义产生于种族主义之前,产生于种族主义之下,因此也完全由种族主义所决定。种族主义认为,种族决定了人类的特征和能力。换句话说,资本主义一直都是种族资本主义。参见《黑人马克思主义:黑人激进传统的形成》(Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1983)Jodi Melamed,代表与破坏:新种族资本主义中的暴力合理化(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2011),77.41参见,例如,现在的民主,“跨性别可见日:活动家Chase Strangio和Raquel Willis要求对反跨性别法采取行动,”现在的民主,2021年3月31日,https://www.democracynow.org/2021/3/31/trans_day_of_visibility42 Briana January,“福克斯新闻制造了对跨性别运动员的愤怒。右翼媒体重复了这一言论,并在Facebook上获得了很高的参与度。”媒体事务,2021年2月12日,https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-news/fox-news-manufactured-outrage-about-trans-athletes-right-wing-media-repeated-it-and-earned43这两篇文章均出自阿比盖尔·温伯格的《女性体育的真正威胁不是变性运动员》。这是性侵犯教练,"琼斯母亲,2021年2月26日,https://www.motherjones.com/mojo-wire/2021/02/the-real-threat-to-womens-sports-isnt-trans-athletes-its-sexually-predatory-coaches/44 PAC.45 Block, "爱达荷州的变性体育。46然而,值得一提的是,二元“生理性别”分类也是社会建构的。福斯托-斯特林和其他科学家已经证明,“没有一种单一的生物学指标可以无可置疑地将每个人分为两类——男性或女性。” “相反,性发育是多层的,从染色体性、性腺性、荷尔蒙性到生殖性和大脑性,不一而足——没有一个是严格的二元性。”参见Anne Fausto-Sterling,“为什么性别不是二元的”,纽约时报专栏,2018年10月25日,https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/opinion/sex-biology-binary.html47 Sharrow,“体育,变性人权利”。48传统基金会,“虚拟事件:对美国儿童的承诺:保护儿童免受极端性别意识形态和法律的侵害”,YouTube视频,2021年2月23日,https://www.heritage.org/gender/event/virtual-event-the-promise-americas-children-protecting-kids-extreme-gender-ideology49 Bederman, Manliness & Civilization;“跨性别运动辩论使女性倡导者两极分化”,《康涅狄格镜报》2019年7月22日https://ctmirror.org/2019/07/22/transgender-issues-polarizes-womens-advocates-a-conundrum/52美联社,“骄傲月第一天,佛罗里达州签署跨性别运动员法案成为法律。”NPR, 2021年6月2日,https://www.npr.org/2021/06/02/1002405412/on-the-first-day-of-pride-month-florida-signed-a-transgender-athlete-bill-into-l53凯拉·舒勒,《白人女性的麻烦》。《女权主义的反历史》(纽约:Bold Type Books出版社),198.55丽莎·达根和南·d·亨特,《性战争:性异议和政治文化(十周年纪念版)》(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2006),56贾尼斯·g·雷蒙德,《变性帝国:女男性的形成》(波士顿:灯塔出版社,1994),104.57 Schuller, The Trouble, 1977.58 Martina Navratilova,“对跨性别运动员的规则奖励作弊者,惩罚无辜者,”星期日泰晤士报,2019年2月17日,https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-rules-on-trans-athletes-reward-cheats-and-punish-the-innocent-klsrq6h3x?region=global&--xx-mea=denied_for_visit%3D0%26visit_number%3D0%26visit_remaining%3D0%26visit_used%3D0&--xx-mvt-opted-out=false&--xx-uuid=f8f4bdd7d1f7827b6778c9f224f4dbb0&ni-statuscode=acsaz-30759 Pieper,性别测试;Sarah Teetzel,“精英女子运动中的盟友关系”,《体育,道德与哲学》第14期,第2期。吴文娟:“美国社会保守主义的法律、意识形态与联盟变革”,《法律与社会探究》第46期。[j] .《女性主义研究》,第4期梅丽莎·吉拉·格兰特,“领导反对跨性别学生运动员之战的母亲”,新共和国,2021年2月19日,https://newrepublic.com/article/161425/trans-student-athletes-white-supremacy-mothers63伊丽莎白·吉莱斯皮·麦克雷,大规模抵抗的母亲:白人妇女和白人至上的政治(牛津大学出版社,2018),10.64巴尔默,恶意;库珀,《家庭价值观》;引用自Yvonne Lindgren,“特朗普愤怒的白人女性:母性、民族主义和堕胎”,《霍夫斯特拉法律评论》第48期。《母亲的领导》,第1期(2019):29.6667 Mirin Fader,“Andraya Yearwood知道她有权参加比赛”,Bleacher Report, 2018年12月17日,https://bleacherreport.com/articles/2810857-andraya-yearwood-knows-she-has-the-right-to-compete;原文重音格兰特,《母亲的领导》。69 Fischer和McClearen,《变性运动员》;160.70 Patricia Hill Collins,《黑人性政治:非裔美国人、性别和新种族主义》(纽约:Routledge出版社,2004);杰西卡·洛夫和林赛·康林·麦克斯韦,《塞雷娜·威廉姆斯:从紧身衣到争议》,《国际体育传播杂志》第13期。陈志强,“母亲的领导”。《改变游戏》,导演迈克尔·巴内特(Michael Barnett)(2019年,Hulu)《黑人女权主义思想:知识、意识与赋权政治》(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,1990),第74页丽贝卡·乔丹·杨和卡特丽娜·卡尔卡齐斯,睾丸素。未经授权的传记(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2019),1977.75美联社,“法官驳回了试图阻止变性运动员的诉讼”,NBC新闻,2021年4月26日,https://www.nbcnews.com/nbc-out/out-news/judge-tosses-suit-sought-block-transgender-athletes-rcna75876现在的民主,“跨性别可见度日”。请看詹姆斯、桑迪·E、乔迪·l·赫尔曼、苏珊·兰金、玛拉·凯斯林、丽莎·莫特和马亚扬·阿纳菲。2015年美国跨性别调查报告执行摘要(华盛顿特区:国家跨性别平等中心,2016)特雷弗项目,“2023年美国全国LGBTQ年轻人心理健康调查”https://www.thetrevorproject.org/survey-2023/assets/static/05_TREVOR05_2023survey.pdf79第九条禁止在接受联邦资助的教育项目或活动中基于性别的歧视,最初通过是因为女性在教育方面面临重大障碍和不平等。参见司法部,“1972年教育修正案第九条”,https://www.justice。 gov/crt/title-ix-education-amendments-1972(于2021年11月1日生效)。由于“性别认同”和“跨性别者”等术语在20世纪70年代并不存在,因此将跨性别运动员纳入第九条的政府政策和指令差异很大,并且随着历届政府的变化而变化:“奥巴马政府发布的指导方针侧重于纳入跨性别者,而特朗普政府的指导方针侧重于各州的权利和生物决定论。”参见Julie Tamerler,“跨性别运动员和第九条:一个不确定的未来”,Jeffrey S. Moorad体育法杂志27,第2期。1(2020): 157.80卡罗尔·库里、埃德妮莎·哈钦斯和梅雷迪思·弗莱厄蒂:“女教练都去哪儿了?”,《纽约时报》,2019年12月31日,https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/31/opinion/Women-coaching-sports-title-ix.html;Gabriella Levine,“NCAA疯狂三月为女子篮球投下了性别歧视的愤怒,”NBCNews, 2021年3月23日,https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/ncaa-march-madness-drops-ball-women-s-basketball-sexism-outrage-ncna126177581 Sharrow,“体育,变性人权利。82 Megan Rapinoe,“禁止跨性别儿童参加体育运动的法案试图解决一个不存在的问题,”专栏文章,华盛顿邮报,2021年3月28日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/03/28/megan-rapinoe-transgender-kids-sports-ban/83格雷格·阿博特,致德克萨斯州家庭和保护服务部专员杰米·马斯特的信,2022年2月22日,https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-directs-dfps-to-investigate-gender-transitioning-procedures-as-child-abuse
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Protecting women’s sports? Anti-trans youth sports bills and white supremacy
ABSTRACTAn unprecedented number of anti-transgender youth sports bills have been introduced in various state legislatures across the United States since 2020. These bills seek to bar trans youth from playing and competing in sports that align with their gender identity. Scrutinizing the rise in these bills and the fearmongering that accompanies them, this article untangles how the deployment of a white feminist rhetoric of “protecting women’s sports” by a coalition of anti-LGBTQ Christian conservative forces and trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) women’s sports advocates shields these bills and their proponents from accusations of transphobia and bigotry while obscuring their white supremacist underpinnings.KEYWORDS: Transgendersportsathleteslegislationwhite supremacy AcknowledgmentsMuch gratitude to K. Mohrman, Jennifer McClearen, and the anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful suggestions and critiques were crucial for sharpening my arguments. I dedicate this article to my mother whose Alzheimer journey is reminding all of us to find and treasure moments of joy and laughter even in despair.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mia Fischer and Jennifer McClearen, “Transgender Athletes and the Queer Art of Athletic Failure,” Communication & Sport 8, no. 2 (2020): 147–67; Katrina Karkazis and Rebecca Jordan-Young, “The Powers of Testosterone: Obscuring Race and Regional Bias in the Regulation of Women Athletes,” Feminist Formations 30, no. 2 (2018): 1–39; Lindsey P. Pieper, Sex Testing: Gender Policing in Women’s Sports (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2016); Sarah Teetzel, “On Transgendered Athletes, Fairness and Doping: An International Challenge,” Sport in Society 9 (2006): 227–51; Steven Petrow, “Do transgender Athletes have an Unfair Advantage at the Olympics?” Washington Post, August 8, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/do-transgender-athletes-have-an-unfair-advantage-at-the-olympics/2016/08/05/08169676-5b50-11e6-9aee-8075993d73a2_story.html?utm_term..fed174b8ee3b2 In particular, testosterone is frequently invoked as the key marker for conferring athletic advantage. There currently is, however, no consensus in the scientific literature that elevated levels of testosterone do, indeed, provide transgender or intersex athletes with a significant competitive advantage over cisgender athletes. For a basic overview of studies on the impact of testosterone on athletic performance see Will Hobson, “The Fight for the Future of Transgender Athletes,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2021/04/15/transgender-athletes-womens-sports-title-ix/3 Julie Kliegman, “Idaho Banned Trans Athletes From Women’s Sports. She’s Fighting Back,” Sports Illustrated, June 30, 2020, https://www.si.com/sports-illustrated/2020/06/30/idaho-transgender-ban-fighting-back4 Melissa Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports Ban Faces A Major Legal Hurdle,” NPR, May 3, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/05/03/991987280/idahos-transgender-sports-ban-faces-a-major-legal-hurdle5 Freedom for all Americans, “Legislative Tracker: Anti-transgender Legislation,” 2021, https://freedomforallamericans.org/legislative-tracker/anti-transgender-legislation/ (accessed July 15, 2021).6 Reddy explains that while the two standpoints may appear to be in conflict they both, albeit in different ways, “reaffirm the nation-state as either the unsignified or exclusive frame within which” freedom, rights, and power should properly be distributed. See Freedom with Violence: Race, Sexuality, and the US State (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 8.7 Robin DiAngelo, White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism (Boston: Beacon Press, 2018); Cheryl L. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review 106, no. 8 (1993): 1707–91; bell hooks, Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (London, England: Pluto Press, 2000); C.W. Mills, The Racial Contract (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); Patricia J. Williams, The Alchemy of Race and Rights. Diary of a Law Professor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).8 C. Richard King, David J. Leonard and Kyle W. Kusz, “White Power and Sport: An Introduction,” Journal of Sport & Social Issues 31, no. 1 (2007): 3–10; Ben Carrington, “‘Football’s Coming Home’ but whose Home? And Do We Want It?: Nation, Football and the Politics of Exclusion,” in Fanatics: Power, Identity and Fandom in Football, ed. Adam Brown (London: Routledge, 1998), 101–23; Mary Jo Kane, “The Better Sportswomen Get, the More the Media Ignore Them,” Communication and Sport 1, no. 3 (2013): 231–6; Michael Messner, “Reflections on Communication and Sport: On Men and Masculinities,” Communication & Sport 1, nos. 1–2 (2013): 113–24; Cheryl Cooky, LaToya Council, Maria Mears and Michael Messner, “One and Done: The Long Eclipse of Women’s Televised Sports, 1989–2019,” Communication & Sport, 9, no. 3 (2021): 347–71. doi:10.1177/21674795211003524; Jennifer McClearen, Fighting Visibility: Sports Media and Female Athletes in the UFC (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2021).9 Elizabeth A. Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy,” Laws 10, no. 63 (2021), 1–29.10 There is a long and documented history of intentional conservative political strategies, most prominently the Southern strategy, which use racially coded language that exploit and reinforce white supremacy in mainstream US politics. The most infamous example is Republican strategist Lee Atwater’s admission that there was a move away in the Republican Party from explicitly racist language to the use of more “abstract” language with phrases such as “forced busing,” “state’s rights,” and “the welfare queen” to appeal to certain voters. For more on this specific history see, for example, Anthea Butler, White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2021); Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006); or Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2016). More recently, scholars have come to acknowledge that much of this racially coded language was specifically about gender and sexuality and that a turn toward political activism around issues of gender and sexuality, especially abortion, was a way for conservative Christian political activists to (still) support white supremacist politics without explicitly acknowledging that they were doing so. See Randall Balmer, Bad Faith: Race and the Rise of the Religious Right (Grand Rapids: William B. Erdmans Publishing Company, 2021); Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017); or Seth Dowland, Family Values and Rise of the Christian Right (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015). Both of these strategies, and their effects continue to shape contemporary US politics.11 News sources included a range of national publications across the political spectrum, such as Mother Jones, the New Republic, Politico, Democracy Now, Guardian, NPR, PBS, NBC News, CBS News, New York Times, Washington Post, and Fox News to local outlets such as Connecticut Mirror, KSL-TV in Utah, and sports media such asSports Illustrated and Bleacher Report.12 Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language, 2nd ed. (New York, Routledge, 2010), 4.13 C. Riley Snorton, Black on Both Sides: A Racial History of Trans Identity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017), 8.14 Roderick A. Ferguson, Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Color Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 3.15 Stuart Hall, “The Work of Representation,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices, ed. Stuart Hall (London: Sage, 2007), 50.16 Mia Fischer, Terrorizing Gender: Transgender Visibility and the Surveillance Practices of the U.S. Security State (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019).17 Joanna Wuest, “The Scientific Gaze in American Transgender Politics: Contesting the Meanings of Sex, Gender, and Gender Identity in the Bathroom Rights Cases,” Politics & Gender 15 (2019): 336–60.18 Lisa Lowe (2015). The Intimacies of Four Continents (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015), 2 and 7.19 Ibid., 7.20 See, for example, Eric A. Stanley, Atmospheres of Violence. Structuring Antagonism and the Trans/Queer Ungovernable (Durham: Duke University Press, 2021); C. Riley Snorton and Jin Haritaworn, “Trans Necropolitics: A Transnational Reflection of Violence, Death, and the Trans of Color Afterlife,” in The Transgender Studies Reader 2, ed. Susan Stryker and Aren Z. Aizura (New York: Routledge, 2013), 66–76; Fischer, Terrorizing Gender.21 Reddy, Freedom, 8–9.22 Lowe, The Intimacies; Ferguson, Aberrations.23 See, for example, Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization. A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Ferguson, Aberrations; Oyeronke Oyewumi, The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997); Kyla Schuller, The Biopolitics of Feeling: Race, Sex, and Science in the Nineteenth Century (Durham: Duke University Press, 2018); Snorton, Black on Both Sides; Siobhan Somerville, Queering the Color Line: Race and the Invention of Homosexuality in America Culture (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000); Melissa N. Stein, Measuring Manhood: Race and the Science of Masculinity, 1830–1934 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015); Greg Thomas, The Sexual Demon of Colonial Power: Pan-African Embodiment and Erotic Schemes of Empire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007).24 Ferguson, Aberrations, 6.25 Cathy Cohen, “Bunks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3 (1997): 453.26 In 2016, North Carolina became the first state to enact anti-trans bathroom legislation. However, amid fierce backlash from corporations, entertainers, and sports leagues, especially the NBA’s decision to move the 2017 All-Star Game from Charlotte to New Orleans, the bill was eventually repealed in April 2017.27 See Bederman, Manliness & Civilization; Julian B. Carter, The Heart of Whiteness: Normal Sexuality and Race in America, 1880 -1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007); Somerville, Queering the Color Line; Schuller, The Biopolitics of Feeling.28 Mia Fischer, “Piss(ed): The Biopolitics of the Bathroom,” Communication, Culture & Critique 12 (2019): 403.29 Sheila L. Cavanagh, Queering Bathrooms: Gender, Sexuality, and the Hygienic Imagination (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 7.30 Madison Feller, “‘We All Have a Role to Play’: The Fight Against Anti-Transgender Legislation,’” Elle, June 2, 2021, https://www.elle.com/culture/career-politics/a36423383/anti-transgender-legislation-2021-roundtable/?utm_medium=social-media&utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=socialflowTWELM31 E. Cram, “‘Angie Was Our Sister’: Witnessing the Trans-Formation of Disgust in the Citizenry of Photography,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 98, no. 4 (2012): 411–38; GLAAD (2022), “Victims or Villains: Examining Ten Years of Transgender Images on Television,” glad.org. https://www.glaad.org/publications/victims-or-villains-examining-ten-years-transgender-images-television; Gordene MacKenzie and Mary Marcel, “Media Coverage of the Murder of US Transwomen of Color” in Local Violence, Global Media: Feminist Analyses of Gendered Representations, ed. Lisa M. Cuklanz and Sujata Moorti (New York: Peter Lang, 2009), 79–106; Fischer, Terrorizing Gender; Reina Gossett, Eric A. Stanley, and Johanna Burton, eds., Trap Door: Trans Cultural Production and the Politics of Visibility (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2017).32 The Equality Act has been discussed and introduced in various forms since the 1970s and would amend the 1964 Civil Rights Act to include protections on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. At the time of this writing, the Equality Act’s passage remains uncertain.33 Promise to America’s Children (PAC), “About.” https://promisetoamericaschildren.org/about-us/ (accessed November 1, 2021).34 In Bad Faith, Balmer, for example, illustrates that the original catalyst for the Religious Right was not abortion and the Roe v. Wade (1973) decision, as is commonly believed, but rather mobilization in defense of maintaining racial segregation in evangelical schools and colleges over their tax-exempt status in Green v. Connally (1971).35 PAC.36 Danielle Kurtzleben, “House Passes The Equality Act: Here's What It Would Do,” NPR, February 24, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/02/24/969591569/house-to-vote-on-equality-act-heres-what-the-law-would-do37 PAC.38 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”39 Coined by political theorist Cedric J. Robinson, racial capitalism is a theoretical framework that explores the history of capitalism and explains its emergence in terms of its antecedent, racialism. Robinson posits that capitalism was preceded by, came about under, and was therefore thoroughly determined by racialism, the belief that race determines human traits and capacities. In other words, capitalism is always already a racial capitalism. See Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1983).40 Jodi Melamed, Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 77.41 See, for example, Democracy Now, “Trans Day of Visibility: Activists Chase Strangio & Raquel Willis Demand Action on Anti-Trans Laws,” Democracy Now, March 31, 2021, https://www.democracynow.org/2021/3/31/trans_day_of_visibility42 Briana January, “Fox News manufactured outrage about trans athletes. Right-wing media repeated it and earned high engagement on Facebook,” Media Matters, February 12, 2021, https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-news/fox-news-manufactured-outrage-about-trans-athletes-right-wing-media-repeated-it-and-earned43 Both cited in Abigail Weinberg, “The Real Threat to Women’s Sports Isn’t Trans Athletes. It’s Sexually Predatory Coaches,” Mother Jones, February 26, 2021, https://www.motherjones.com/mojo-wire/2021/02/the-real-threat-to-womens-sports-isnt-trans-athletes-its-sexually-predatory-coaches/44 PAC.45 Block, “Idaho’s Transgender Sports.”46 It is important to mention that binary “biological sex” classifications, however, are socially constructed as well. Fausto-Sterling and other scientists have demonstrated that “there is no single biological measure that unassailably places each and every human into one of two categories – male or female.” Instead, sexual development is multi-layered from chromosomal, gonadal, hormonal, to reproductive and brain sex to name a few – none of which always become strictly binary. See Anne Fausto-Sterling, “Why Sex is not Binary,” op-ed, New York Times, October 25, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/25/opinion/sex-biology-binary.html47 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”48 Heritage Foundation, “VIRTUAL EVENT: The Promise to America’s Children: Protecting Kids from Extreme Gender Ideology and Laws,” YouTube Video, February 23, 2021, https://www.heritage.org/gender/event/virtual-event-the-promise-americas-children-protecting-kids-extreme-gender-ideology49 Bederman, Manliness & Civilization; Somerville, Queering the Color Line.50 Carter, The Heart of Whiteness.51 Kathleen Megan, “Transgender Sports Debate Polarizes Women’s Advocates,” The Connecticut Mirror, July 22, 2019, https://ctmirror.org/2019/07/22/transgender-issues-polarizes-womens-advocates-a-conundrum/52 Associated Press, “On The First Day Of Pride Month, Florida Signed A Transgender Athlete Bill Into Law,” NPR, June 2, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/06/02/1002405412/on-the-first-day-of-pride-month-florida-signed-a-transgender-athlete-bill-into-l53 Kyla Schuller, The Trouble with White Women. A Counterhistory of Feminism (New York: Bold Type Books), 3.54 Ibid., 198.55 Lisa Duggan and Nan D. Hunter, Sex Wars: Sexual Dissent and Political Culture (10th Anniversary Edition) (New York: Routledge, 2006).56 Janice G. Raymond, The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994), 104.57 Schuller, The Trouble, 197.58 Martina Navratilova, “The Rules on Trans Athletes Reward Cheats and Punish the Innocent,” Sunday Times, February 17, 2019, https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-rules-on-trans-athletes-reward-cheats-and-punish-the-innocent-klsrq6h3x?region=global&--xx-mea=denied_for_visit%3D0%26visit_number%3D0%26visit_remaining%3D0%26visit_used%3D0&--xx-mvt-opted-out=false&--xx-uuid=f8f4bdd7d1f7827b6778c9f224f4dbb0&ni-statuscode=acsaz-30759 Pieper, Sex Testing; Sarah Teetzel, “Allyship in Elite Women’s Sport,” Sport, Ethics and Philosophy 14, no. 4 (2020): 432–48.60 Joanna Wuest, “A Conservative Right to Privacy: Legal, Ideological, and Coalitional Transformations in US Social Conservatism,” Law & Social Inquiry 46, no. 4 (2021): 968–9.61 See hooks, Feminist Theory, xiv.62 Melissa Gira Grant, “The Mothers Leading the Battle Against Trans Student Athletes,” New Republic, February 19, 2021, https://newrepublic.com/article/161425/trans-student-athletes-white-supremacy-mothers63 Elizabeth Gillespie McRae, Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy (Oxford University Press, 2018), 10.64 Balmer, Bad Faith; Cooper, Family Values; Lassiter, The Silent Majority.65 Cited in Yvonne Lindgren, “Trump’s Angry White Women: Motherhood, Nationalism, and Abortion,” Hofstra Law Review 48, no. 1 (2019): 29.66 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”67 Mirin Fader, “Andraya Yearwood Knows She Has the Right to Compete,” Bleacher Report, December 17, 2018, https://bleacherreport.com/articles/2810857-andraya-yearwood-knows-she-has-the-right-to-compete; emphasis in original.68 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”69 Fischer and McClearen, “Transgender Athletes,” 160.70 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism (New York: Routledge, 2004); Jessica Love and Lindsey Conlin Maxwell, “Serena Williams: From Catsuit to Controversy,” International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 1 (2020): 28–54.71 Grant, “The Mothers Leading.”72 Changing the Game, directed by Michael Barnett (2019, Hulu).73 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1990).74 Rebecca Jordan-Young and Katrina Karkazis, Testosterone. An Unauthorized Biography (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019), 197.75 Associated Press, “Judge Tosses Suit that Sought to Block Transgender Athletes,” NBC News, April 26, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/nbc-out/out-news/judge-tosses-suit-sought-block-transgender-athletes-rcna75876 Democracy Now, “Trans Day of Visibility.”77 See, for example, James, Sandy E., Jody L. Herman, Susan Rankin, Mara Keisling, Lisa Mottet and Ma’ayan Anafi. Executive Summary of the Report of the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (Washington DC: National Center for Transgender Equality, 2016).78 The Trevor Project, “2023 U.S. National Survey on the Mental Health of LGBTQ Young People,” https://www.thetrevorproject.org/survey-2023/assets/static/05_TREVOR05_2023survey.pdf79 Title IX prohibits discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal funding and was originally passed because women faced significant barriers and inequalities in education. See Department of Justice, “Title IX Of The Education Amendments Of 1972,” https://www.justice.gov/crt/title-ix-education-amendments-1972 (accessed November 1, 2021). Because terms such as “gender identity” and “transgender” did not exist in the 1970s, the inclusion of transgender athletes under Title IX has elicited widely differing government policies and directives, shifting with each administration: “While the Obama administration released guidance focusing upon transgender inclusion, the Trump administration’s guidance focuse[d] upon states’ rights and biological determinism.” See Julie Tamerler, “Transgender Athletes and Title IX: An Uncertain Future,” Jeffrey S. Moorad Sports Law Journal 27, no. 1 (2020): 157.80 Carol Curry, Edniesha Hutchins and Meredith Flaherty, “Where are All the Women Coaches?,” New York Times, December 31, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/31/opinion/Women-coaching-sports-title-ix.html; Gabriella Levine, “NCAA March Madness Drops the Ball for Women's Basketball with Sexism Outrage,” NBCNews, March 23, 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/ncaa-march-madness-drops-ball-women-s-basketball-sexism-outrage-ncna126177581 Sharrow, “Sports, Transgender Rights.”82 Megan Rapinoe, “Bills to Ban Transgender Kids from Sports Try to Solve a Problem that doesn’t Exist,” op-ed, Washington Post, March 28, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/03/28/megan-rapinoe-transgender-kids-sports-ban/83 Greg Abbott, Letter to Jamie Masters, Commissioner of the Texas Department of Family and Protective Services, February 22, 2022, https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-directs-dfps-to-investigate-gender-transitioning-procedures-as-child-abuse
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.10
自引率
10.50%
发文量
32
期刊介绍: Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies (CC/CS) is a peer-reviewed publication of the National Communication Association. CC/CS publishes original scholarship that situates culture as a site of struggle and communication as an enactment and discipline of power. The journal features critical inquiry that cuts across academic and theoretical boundaries. CC/CS welcomes a variety of methods including textual, discourse, and rhetorical analyses alongside auto/ethnographic, narrative, and poetic inquiry.
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