《好国家:美国中西部历史,1800-1900》作者:乔恩·k·劳克

Nicole Etcheson
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Lauck frankly states that professional historians are “too focused on American faults and not sufficiently attentive to what would have been considered great achievements,” including religious and political freedom, civil rights, and an egalitarian economic and social system (p. 4). Lauck’s interpretation harks back to mid-twentieth-century historians of the Midwest influenced by Frederick Jackson Turner. John Barnhart’s Valley of Democracy (1953) presented a frontier where settlers resisted anti-democratic eastern institutions. Certainly, the Midwest and East did better than the South with its oligarchical political system and systematic disfranchisement of emancipated African Americans. The Midwest was an agricultural region—a statement true of the rest of the United States in the nineteenth century—populated by small farmers. This contrasts with the South’s antebellum enslaved labor force and its post-Civil War slide into sharecrop-ping and tenancy. But land-owning [End Page 290] was precarious even in parts of the Midwest, which explains the appeal of the Populist Party to farmers on the Great Plains. As the above analysis indicates, historians will probably quibble with some of Lauck’s assertions: what were the actual rates of farm tenancy and economic equality? Do powerful anti-Catholic sentiments contradict assertions of religious freedom? Given the important recent work about slavery’s capitalist nature, can the Midwest be considered uniquely entrepreneurial? Was the women’s culture of the Midwest truly distinctive from that of other regions? Lauck is less a Turnerian than a Whig historian. He acknowledges the painful treatment of African and Native Americans, but emphasizes progress. A treaty with the Wyandot “involved negotiation and consideration on both sides . . . but the pain of removal was real” (p. 79). Lauck concedes that we now view efforts to assimilate Native Americans “with sadness and regret,” but he obscures the dishonesty and cruelty of removal (p. 80). Father Benjamin Marie Petit, ministering to the northern Indiana Potawatomi, marveled at the government’s duplicity in violating its own treaty. Petit accompanied the Potawatomi on their Trail of Tears and documented their suffering before he too died. Similarly, Lauck acknowledges midwestern Black laws, efforts to institutionalize enslavement, and anti-abolitionist violence. But he also emphasizes the Northwest Ordinance’s prohibition against slavery and the Underground Railroad. Gradually, African Americans achieved greater opportunities in education, politics, and civil life. The Midwest “fell far short of twentieth-first-century ideals of racial harmony,” but “the arc of racial progress in the Midwest bent decidedly upward” (p. 153). 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Lauck concedes that we now view efforts to assimilate Native Americans “with sadness and regret,” but he obscures the dishonesty and cruelty of removal (p. 80). Father Benjamin Marie Petit, ministering to the northern Indiana Potawatomi, marveled at the government’s duplicity in violating its own treaty. Petit accompanied the Potawatomi on their Trail of Tears and documented their suffering before he too died. Similarly, Lauck acknowledges midwestern Black laws, efforts to institutionalize enslavement, and anti-abolitionist violence. But he also emphasizes the Northwest Ordinance’s prohibition against slavery and the Underground Railroad. Gradually, African Americans achieved greater opportunities in education, politics, and civil life. The Midwest “fell far short of twentieth-first-century ideals of racial harmony,” but “the arc of racial progress in the Midwest bent decidedly upward” (p. 153). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

《好国家:美国中西部历史,1800-1900》作者:乔恩·k·劳克《好国家:美国中西部历史,1800-1900》作者:乔恩·k·劳克(诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社,2022年)第11页,350页。指出,指数。精装的,65.00美元;平装书,26.95美元)。《好国家》让这位读者想起了霍华德·津恩的《美国人民的历史》(1980)。前印第安纳州州长米奇·丹尼尔斯(Mitch Daniels)表示,印第安纳州的公立大学应该禁止津恩的作品,这导致许多印第安纳人阅读了这本书。(见Scott Jaschik,《州长的坏名单》,《高等教育内幕》,2013年7月16日)有人把它描述为对压迫和剥削的无情描述。《好国家》对中西部民主和公民生活的优越性几乎是毫不掩饰的描述。Lauck坦率地指出,专业历史学家“过于关注美国的缺点,而没有充分关注本应被视为伟大的成就”,包括宗教和政治自由、公民权利和平等的经济和社会制度(第4页)。Lauck的解释让人回想起受Frederick Jackson Turner影响的20世纪中期中西部历史学家。约翰·巴恩哈特(John Barnhart)的《民主谷》(Valley of Democracy, 1953)描绘了拓荒者抵制反民主的东部制度的边界。当然,中西部和东部比南方做得更好,因为它们的寡头政治制度和系统性地剥夺了解放的非裔美国人的公民权。中西部是一个农业地区——19世纪美国其他地区也是如此——居住着小农。这与南方内战前的奴隶劳动力和内战后的佃农和租佃形成鲜明对比。但是,即使在中西部的部分地区,土地所有权也是不稳定的,这解释了民粹党对大平原农民的吸引力。正如上面的分析所表明的,历史学家可能会对Lauck的一些断言吹毛求疵:农场租赁和经济平等的实际比率是多少?强烈的反天主教情绪是否与宗教自由的主张相矛盾?考虑到最近关于奴隶制资本主义本质的重要研究,中西部能被认为是独特的企业家吗?中西部地区的女性文化真的有别于其他地区吗?拉克与其说是特纳主义者,不如说是辉格党历史学家。他承认非洲人和印第安人遭受的痛苦待遇,但强调进步。与怀亚多特人的条约“涉及双方的谈判和考虑……但移除的痛苦是真实的”(第79页)。Lauck承认,我们现在“带着悲伤和遗憾”看待同化印第安人的努力,但他掩盖了迁移的不诚实和残酷(第80页)。本杰明·玛丽·佩蒂神父(Benjamin Marie Petit)是印第安纳州北部波塔瓦托米人的牧师,他对政府违反自己的条约的表里矛盾感到惊讶。佩蒂特陪伴着波塔瓦托米人走过他们的泪路,并在他去世前记录了他们的痛苦。同样,劳克承认中西部的黑人法律,奴隶制制度化的努力,以及反对废奴主义的暴力。但他也强调了《西北条例》对奴隶制和地下铁路的禁止。渐渐地,非裔美国人在教育、政治和公民生活方面获得了更多的机会。中西部“与21世纪种族和谐的理想相距甚远”,但“中西部种族进步的弧线无疑是向上弯曲的”(第153页)。这是一本文献丰富的19世纪中西部历史的全面调查。一些历史学家会看到一个新的解释框架;其他人会看到拒绝的解释;还有一些人可能会发现一些断言是有问题的,有些则是新的讨论的起点。Lauck要求我们权衡“[中西部人]生活经历的广泛背景”,记住“他们的美德”,并“认真对待他们的地方和地域感”(第200页)。[End Page 291] Nicole Etcheson Ball State University版权所有©2023印第安纳大学董事会
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Good Country: A History of the American Midwest, 1800–1900 by Jon K. Lauck (review)
Reviewed by: The Good Country: A History of the American Midwest, 1800–1900 by Jon K. Lauck Nicole Etcheson The Good Country: A History of the American Midwest, 1800–1900 By Jon K. Lauck (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2022. Pp. xi, 350. Notes, index. Clothbound, $65.00; paperbound, $26.95.) The Good Country reminds this reader of Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States (1980). Former Indiana governor Mitch Daniels expressed the opinion that Zinn’s work should be banned from Indiana public universities, which led many Hoosiers to read it. (See Scott Jaschik, “The Governor’s Bad List,” Inside Higher Education, July 16, 2013). One described it as an unrelieved account of oppression and exploitation. The Good Country is an almost unrelieved account of the superiority of midwestern democracy and civic life. Lauck frankly states that professional historians are “too focused on American faults and not sufficiently attentive to what would have been considered great achievements,” including religious and political freedom, civil rights, and an egalitarian economic and social system (p. 4). Lauck’s interpretation harks back to mid-twentieth-century historians of the Midwest influenced by Frederick Jackson Turner. John Barnhart’s Valley of Democracy (1953) presented a frontier where settlers resisted anti-democratic eastern institutions. Certainly, the Midwest and East did better than the South with its oligarchical political system and systematic disfranchisement of emancipated African Americans. The Midwest was an agricultural region—a statement true of the rest of the United States in the nineteenth century—populated by small farmers. This contrasts with the South’s antebellum enslaved labor force and its post-Civil War slide into sharecrop-ping and tenancy. But land-owning [End Page 290] was precarious even in parts of the Midwest, which explains the appeal of the Populist Party to farmers on the Great Plains. As the above analysis indicates, historians will probably quibble with some of Lauck’s assertions: what were the actual rates of farm tenancy and economic equality? Do powerful anti-Catholic sentiments contradict assertions of religious freedom? Given the important recent work about slavery’s capitalist nature, can the Midwest be considered uniquely entrepreneurial? Was the women’s culture of the Midwest truly distinctive from that of other regions? Lauck is less a Turnerian than a Whig historian. He acknowledges the painful treatment of African and Native Americans, but emphasizes progress. A treaty with the Wyandot “involved negotiation and consideration on both sides . . . but the pain of removal was real” (p. 79). Lauck concedes that we now view efforts to assimilate Native Americans “with sadness and regret,” but he obscures the dishonesty and cruelty of removal (p. 80). Father Benjamin Marie Petit, ministering to the northern Indiana Potawatomi, marveled at the government’s duplicity in violating its own treaty. Petit accompanied the Potawatomi on their Trail of Tears and documented their suffering before he too died. Similarly, Lauck acknowledges midwestern Black laws, efforts to institutionalize enslavement, and anti-abolitionist violence. But he also emphasizes the Northwest Ordinance’s prohibition against slavery and the Underground Railroad. Gradually, African Americans achieved greater opportunities in education, politics, and civil life. The Midwest “fell far short of twentieth-first-century ideals of racial harmony,” but “the arc of racial progress in the Midwest bent decidedly upward” (p. 153). This is a copiously documented, comprehensive survey of nineteenth-century midwestern history. Some historians will see a framework for new interpretations; others will see an interpretation to reject; still others may find some assertions questionable and some the starting place for new discussions. Lauck asks us to weigh “the broad context of [midwesterners’] lived experiences,” to remember “their virtues,” and “take their sense of place and region seriously” (p. 200). [End Page 291] Nicole Etcheson Ball State University Copyright © 2023 Trustees of Indiana University
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