物化的肉体:一个女性主义的方法去/殖民生殖政治和研究

Lisa B. Y. Calvente
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摘要

点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。注1借鉴黑人研究理论家巴诺·黑塞(Barnor Hesse)的观点,我将洛德的结构性、多头怪物及其在反复的殖民暴力中持续的时间定义为“白人主权”(Calvente 271;517年Hesse)。2在哥伦布的传记中,他的儿子费迪南德·哥伦布(Ferdinand Columbus)描述了向天主教君主每三个月进贡一次的制度,对于那些14岁及以上的孩子,他们“每人要支付25磅棉花”(qtd)。在罗文(56)。由于黄金的稀缺,每三个月的进贡是一项“不可能完成的任务”虽然我对西方世界秩序及其殖民恐怖和暴力的解释归因于阿基利·姆本贝(Achille Mbembe)关于死亡政治生活和权力的著作,但它在两个截然不同的方面偏离了姆本贝。首先,它不接受现代性的理论化,即西方的领土化,即殖民化,存在于“正常的法律状态之外”(Mbembe 13)。殖民暴力的领土化策略在殖民初期被证明是合法的,并成为法律,包括征服白人主权;这不是悖论,而是新世界秩序的必要组成部分。在这里,我强调Mbembe的观点,即“君主可以在任何时候或以任何方式杀人”和“殖民战争被认为是一种绝对敌意的表达,使征服者对抗绝对的敌人”(25)。其次,在讨论被殖民的土著人和他们的不存在状态时,我强调的是时间而不是空间。关于时间性的理论脱离了基于空间的“死亡世界”和“活死人”的永久性(Mbembe 40)。“未死”从规定性和过度可能性两方面解释了“黑(指)变”的时间主体性。与非殖民化相一致,可选择的时间主体性意味着“反资本主义”和“反资本主义”的未来世界(csamsaaire 44)我将劳动区分为“维持人类生命所需的无休止的生产和消费循环”,而工作则是“为物质世界增添无尽的人工制品的创造”(Mbembe 19)。这两种定义都强化了白人主权是如何运作和依赖殖民及其暴力榨取模式来维持西方生活的。“形式人文主义”将人类生活等同于现代世界的白人生活(csamaire 36-37)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Thingified Flesh: A Womanist Approach to De/Colonial Reproductive Politics and Research
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Borrowing from Black Studies theorist, Barnor Hesse, I have identified Lorde’s structural, multi-headed monster and its duration through repeated colonial violence as “white sovereignty” (Calvente 271; Hesse 517).2 In Columbus’ biography, his son, Ferdinand Columbus describes how the tribute system to Catholic Sovereigns occurred every three months and, for those children outside of the 14 and older policy, they “were each to pay 25 pounds of cotton” (qtd. in Loewen 56). Tribute payment every three months was an “impossible task” due to the scarcity of gold (Zinn 6).3 While my interpretation of the western world order and its colonial terror and violence is attributed to Achille Mbembe’s work on necropolitical life and power, it strays from Mbembe in two distinct ways. First, it does not accept the modernity theorization that western territorialization, i.e., colonization, exists “outside the normal state of law” (Mbembe 13). Territorialization strategies of colonial violence were justified into and as law within the early periods of colonialization including conquest for white sovereignty; this was no paradox but a necessary part of the new world order. Here, I emphasize Mbembe’s point that “the sovereign might kill at any time or in any manner” and “colonial wars are conceived of as the expression of an absolute hostility that sets the conqueror against an absolute enemy” (25). Second, I underscore the temporal rather than the spatial when discussing colonized natives and their state of nonbeing. Theorizing upon temporalities breaks away from the space-based permanency of “death worlds” and the “living dead” (Mbembe 40). Not-yet-dead accounts for temporal subjectivities of Black(ened) becoming in terms of both its regulations and its excess possibilities. Aligned with decolonization, alternative temporal subjectivities signify future worlds that are both “anti-capitalist” and “ante-capitalist” (Césaire 44).4 I differentiate labor as “the endless cycle of production and consumption required for the maintenance of human life” from work, “the creation of endless artifacts which add to the world of things” (Mbembe 19). Both of these definitions reinforce how white sovereignty operated and depended on colonization and its modes of violent extraction to maintain western life. “Formal humanism” equates human life to White life in the modern world (Césaire 36-37).
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