Between Literature and Pamphlet: Women Writers on Sexual Transactions in the Scandinavian Modern Breakthrough

Writing about the Modern Breakthrough (MB) means opening a vantage point on a remarkably dynamic phase in the history of Scandinavian literature during the last three decades of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the First World War.1 During this period, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway were closely tight to each other in the literary marketplace, in which the Danish literary critic Georg Brandes (1842–1927) played a central role. Brandes proclaimed a new paradigm in modern Scandinavian literature in late 1871, advocating a literature that should engage with social issues and societal problems. In practice, he functioned as a European “literary intermediary,” both introducing new developments in contemporary French, German, and English literature to a Scandinavian readership and, at the same time, being recognized as “one of the main advocates of Scandinavian literature throughout Europe” (Van der Liet 2004, 93–5).Among the social issues that literature was called to discuss, many regarded women's rights, including gender inequality and women's role in the patriarchal society, of key importance. Also delicate questions, such as the role of the Church, arranged marriages, and women's economic independence, were at the heart of Scandinavian art in this era (Ahlström 1947; Bredsdorff 1973; Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993; Garton 1993). Last but not least, femininity, female sexuality, and—within this discourse—the social phenomenon of prostitution were central and widely debated themes in Scandinavian society and culture during the MB. The double moral standards and the existing regulatory system allowed men to satisfy their sexual desires without disturbing “respectable” (young) women—from both the upper and middle class—whose sexuality was considered, and expected to be, dormant (Lundquist 1982; Smith 1989; Blom 2006; Jansdotter and Svanström 2007). In this regard, Garton (2002) speaks about “et splittet syn på seksualiteten” (32) [a split perspective on sexuality], highlighting the idea that, unlike lower-class women, middle- and upper-class women should remain untouched until marriage and were not supposed to enjoy sexual life. This dichotomy, and the biblical connotation of lust as sinful, classified women who, for one reason or another, could or would not meet that strict norm, as moral outcasts (Engelstad 1984; Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993; Forsås-Scott 1997; Logan 1998). All this was within a context in which notions such as women's intellectual inferiority as a consequence of their reproductive role, the absence of female sexual desire, and prostitution as a manifestation of an innate criminal nature were firmly anchored in the scientific discourse of that time (Bredsdorff 1973; Brantly 1991; 2004).During the MB, prostitution was one of the most important societal issues that needed to be discussed. As demonstrated in our previous paper (Brouwer-Turci and Van der Liet 2018), different forms of prostitution and women engaging in sexual transactions were commonplace and transcended the borders between social classes.2 A prostitute could be a girl of the profession working on the street or in a brothel, but just as well a working girl who, during times of unemployment and lack of sufficient income, only occasionally prostituted herself. In addition, we find servants who had to contend with the sexual advances of their employers in order not to lose their jobs. Last, but not least, when seen from a broader perspective, prostitution was also common in marriages; especially, middle-class women were often forced into unhappy (arranged) marriages for the sake of economic stability.3 Heggestad (1991) conceptualizes prostitution even beyond the physical sphere. Indeed, she argues that during the MB, many women, particularly those trying to become an artist, a singer, or an actress literarally felt that they were selling themselves as an artistic product in front of an audience they were totally depending on: “Medan författarinnan och målarinnan sålde sin product var skådespelerskan och sångerskan och att stå på scenen innebar alltså att bjuda ut och att sälja sig själv” (178) [While the writer sold her product, the actress and singer were identical with hers. To be on the stage, then, was to offer oneself for sale].Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906), Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson (1832–1910), Jens Peter Jacobsen (1847–1885), Alexander Kielland (1849–1906), August Strindberg (1849–1912), and Herman Bang (1857–1912) are some of the most well-known Scandinavian writers and dramatists who, although from different perspectives, represented the social issues that needed to be discussed in literature. Generally, less recognized but no less significant, are the female contemporary artists, including Amalie Skram (1846–1905), Olivia Levison (1847–1894), Anne Charlotte Leffler (1849–1892), Victoria Benedictsson (1850–1888), Agnes Henningsen (1868–1962), and Ragnhild Jølsen (1875–1908) (Ahlström 1947; Bredsdorff 1973; Dahlerup 1983; Garton 1993; Brantly 2004).For example, in the novel Pengar (1885; Money), by the Swedish Victoria Benedictsson, Selma, a sixteen-year-old girl, has to renounce her dream of becoming a free and independent female artist able to provide for herself. Instead, she accepts being sold off in a marriage of convenience with a much older man she does not love, but who is ready to provide for her in exchange. Selma, maybe curious, but most of all completely unaware about sexuality, is devastated by the sexual experiences with her husband. Eventually, she finds the strength to ask for a divorce and admits to him “jag inte kan uthärda att dina händer röra vid min kropp!” (Benedictsson 1885, 322) [I cannot stand your hands touching my body!]. Even in her subsequent, and this time loving relationship with her cousin, sexuality remains denied.Another interesting MB novel dealing with the complexity of female sexuality and prostitution within the marriage is the Danish novel Konsulinden (1887; The Consul's Wife) by Olivia Levison. In this novel, the protagonist Elisabeth, coming from the petite bourgeoisie, cannot marry the poor painter Brandt, the man she loves, but instead is married off by her dominant mother to a rich and older Consul. In exchange for a luxury life, she suffers a traumatic sexual experience on her wedding night with long-lasting consequences.The novel Forraadt (1892; Betrayed), written by the Dano-Norwegian Amalie Skram, also is a typical MB novel, dealing, among others, with early marriage, (female) sexuality, and the consequences of different moral standards for men and women and of an upbringing that supports this. This time, the curiosity and the obsession of a seventeen-year-old spouse, Ory, about her husband's sexual intercourses (right) before their marriage, led to unbearable comments: “Kyssed Du hende, før Du stod op?” . . . “Jeg la 18 shillings paa hendes Toiletbord.” “Var det nok, tror Du?” . . . “Og Dagen efter rejste Du lige hjem og holdt Bryllup” (Skram 1892, 296) [“Did you kiss her before you got up?” . . . “I left 18 shillings on her dressing table.” “Was that enough, do you think?” . . . “And the next day you went home and had a wedding?”]. What is interesting about this novel is that these questions do not devastate her, but him, eventually leading to his suicide.Selma, Elisabeth, and Ory are merely three examples of Scandinavian women's writings dealing with the complexity of female sexuality and prostitution within a marriage, representing a much wider reality of Scandinavian female writers engaged in the sexual morality debate, whose work, as argued by Dahlerup (1983), was too often eclipsed by their male colleagues.We, too, hold the opinion that more attention to the production of MB female authors is desirable, especially when it concerns a theme such as prostitution, an issue that at that time was so strongly related to the identity and social position of women. Indeed, as suggested by Logan (1998), only female authors can both write about and from these women's perspectives in an authentic way. In this context, it is important to mention that in the vein of the MB, the social engagement of many female writers found its representation not only in literary works such as prose, theater, and poetry, but also in the active involvement in social manifestations, women's associations, and the foundation of political parties, schools, or institutions to take care of “fallen” women and girls (Melby et al. 2001; Jansdotter and Svänström 2007; Pedersen 2007). Furthermore, and even more important for the scope of this study, many MB authors also produced political and other (non-)literary works that stood up for women's rights, including translations, reviews, letters, articles in (political) magazines and newspapers, pamphlets and essays (Bredsdorff 1973; Dahlerup 1983; Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993). Remarkable examples of female writers who regularly expressed their opinion on topics such as marriage and the debate on sexual morality, promoting the liberty of women next to their literary production, are Swedish Sophie Adlersparre (1823–1895); Danish Olivia Levison (1847–1894) and Elisabeth Grundtvig (1856–1945); and Norwegian Aasta Hansteen (1824–1908).4In both the classical studies Det moderna genombrottet i Nordens litteratur (The Modern Breakthrough in Nordic Literature) and Den store nordiske krig om seksualmoralen (The Great Nordic War over Sexual Morality), respectively written by Ahlström (1947) and Bredsdorff (1973), the importance of the societal debate about sexual morality, its social and cultural characteristics, and the different perspectives among authors and dramatists in the MB, is thoroughly documented. Given the scope of our research, it is important to point out that especially Bredsdorff not only discusses the authors’ prose, theater, and poetry, but also other genres, such as polemic articles about each other's books, often with the purpose of influencing the course of public opinion about confiscated novels dealing with prostitution. Even if the above studies are of great significance for the understanding of the literary and social debate during the MB, women's writing on prostitution remains largely shaded and is not exhaustively analyzed. Other authoritative studies, however, did address the voices of female writers and their social engagement during the MB, encompassing Det moderne gennembruds kvinder (Women of The Modern Breakthrough), by Pil Dahlerup in 1983; Fången och fri (Captive and Free), by Eva Heggestad in 1991; and Nordisk Kvinnolitteraturhistoria (The History of Nordic Women's Literature, Vols. II and III), composed by different scholars such as Hjordt-Vetlesen (1993), Mortensen (1993), Iversen (1993), and Nordin Hennel (1993). For instance, Dahlerup's (1983) notable contribution on women's writings of the MB analyzes various (mostly) fictional texts, while examining different themes including motherhood, femininity, the role of young women in patriarchal society and in marriage, and women's search for self-realization. Heggestad (1991) explores typical and contradictory issues in the work of female MB authors, encompassing double moral standards, (female) sexuality, freedom, self-fulfillment, and equality. She does so by addressing women's roles at home, at work, and in the arts. Apart from the facts that Dahlerup's study only focuses on Danish female writers and Heggestad's work is confined to the “belles lettres” by Swedish authors, in both works, the phenomenon of marital prostitution is touched upon merely in passing. The same goes for the Nordisk Kvinnolitteraturhistoria. In this work, different scholars certainly provide an exhaustive study on the literary and non-literary Nordic women's writings on sexual moral debates, women's emancipation, and women's rights. Still, when it comes to sexual transactions, with their different forms and nuances, a systematic analysis of women's writings remains largely lacking. Accordingly, although since the 1940s, many scholars and researchers have given attention to the phenomenon of prostitution with its social implications, characteristics, and protagonists represented in the Scandinavian literature of the MB, there remain important gaps in our knowledge. Apart from a few studies, including our own (Brouwer-Turci and Van der Liet 2018), where we provide an in-depth analysis of three Scandinavian literary works of female writers discussing the representations and forms of prostitution during the MB, this important theme has not yet been fully explored.The purpose of this article is to help address this gap, by analyzing and comparing various representations of prostitution in MB Scandinavian female writers’ fiction as well as social-political texts, to elucidate how these two forms relate to each other. Following Brouwer-Turci and Van der Liet (2018), we hereby view prostitution broadly and define it as any sexual relation between two persons in which the weaker party's sexuality is characterized by an absence of personal desire and free choice and is traded for money or other benefits in return. Hence, we talk about sexual transactions. These could have diverse forms and gradations, and they transgress social and economic boundaries. As mentioned before, it should be stressed that prostitution in the MB was part of a delicate, complex, and changing interpretation of female sexuality. The focus of this study will be on the representations and forms of sexual transactions as such. Its novelty is that we analyze two different kinds of texts from one and the same author: one literary text, for example, a novel or a short story, and one social-political contribution. In specific terms, we aim to better understand to what extent the forms of—and message about—prostitution these writers discuss in their social-political contributions are reflected in their literary work, that is, to analyze both commonalities and differences between the two forms of expression.To this end, this study analyzes and compares the following sets of works: Elfride Fibiger's Nutidens Ansvar og Forpligtelser overfor Døtrene af Arbejderklassen og anden ubemidlet Stand (1889; Today's Responsibilities and Obligations to the Daughters of the Working Class and Other Impecunious Classes), hereafter referred to as Nutidens Ansvar og Forpligtelser,5 and her epistolary novel En Magdalenehistorie, en virkelig Begivenhed (1877; A Magdalene Story, a Real Event); Amalie Skram's pamphlet Om Albertine (1887; About Albertine), and her 1885 novel Constance Ring (1905); as well as Frida Stéenhoff's essay Penningen och Kärleken (1908; Money and Love) and her novella Det heliga arfvet (1902; The Holy Heritage). The reason why this study focuses on these works is that their strong relation with prostitution as a complex social phenomenon with its different forms and gradations is recognized by various historians and scholars, including Dahlerup (1983), Garton (1993), Hjordt-Vetlesen (1993), Nordin Hennel (1993), Carlsson Wetterberg (2001; 2010), and Hamm (2005; 2006).This study's analyses consist of thematic close readings of the above-mentioned pairs of texts, where relevant, complemented with some stylistic considerations, such as the figure of speech that each author has used to reinforce her point of view, an image, or a feeling related to the representation of prostitution. Accordingly, and notwithstanding the central place of the three above-mentioned social-political works, this article is explicitly not a sociological or political study about Scandinavian women's writing. The three nonfictional texts will rather be used as an additional lens to get a more comprehensive understanding of the topic of prostitution during the MB.The remainder of this article is organized as follows. The next section provides a brief historical contextualization of prostitution as a regulatory system and of abolitionism, as well as an explanation of the economical/juridical position of married women during the MB. The third, fourth, and fifth sections are the heart of this study and include the analyses of the above-mentioned six works. Each of these analyses is accompanied by a concise contextualization of the author's life and oeuvre and concludes with a comparison between the nonfictional and literary text. In the concluding section of this article, we make a cross-comparison of the pairs of works in order to identify commonalities, patterns, and differences on what these historical works say about the phenomenon of prostitution/sexual transactions and their representations.The last decades of the nineteenth century were characterized by numerous economic and societal changes including new ideas about the necessity of equality between men and women. This transformation was, among other things, related to the Industrial Revolution. As pointed out by Sjögren (2010): “Great economic structural changes with industrialization, urbanization and emigration led to changed family structures” (20–1). The need and right to get a proper (higher) education played an important role, too, not only concerning the life of single working-class women, but also for women of the upper-middle class. The legal and economic position of married women also called for transformation, such as the right to divorce and the right to own property. And it was the willingness to respond to this call that female activists, via a wide range of women's societies, associations, and journals,6 worked with intensely, to nudge the legislative authorities in new directions that would enhance legal gender equality (Hjordt-Vetlesen 1993).Even though the economic position and the role of married women were changing, and even if between 1874 and 1889, equivalent laws were passed, full equality between the spouses was not established immediately. For instance, married women still had no legal custody of their children, and although they did earn the right to dispose of their own income, their authorities in economic matters remained limited (Melby et al. 2001; Sjögren 2010). Moreover, during the MB, it was still rather common for girls under eighteen to be married off to older and, in general, more experienced men, in order to obtain economic stability (Garton 1993). As a result of the reform acts in Scandinavia that were passed between 1909 and 1929, significant improvements were established, such as the termination of the husband's legal power over his wife. Furthermore, marriage was from now on seen as a bond between two independent entities, and the minimum age to marry was raised for both women and men. Last but not least, husbands and wives could now both dispose of the property they had brought into the marriage (Melby et al. 2001; 2006).These societal and legal transformations were also reflected in the regulations regarding prostitution. Indeed, at the beginning of the MB, in Scandinavia, as in most other European countries, prostitution was regulated by law. This regulated prostitution system, also referred to as the “French system,” first introduced under Napoleon in the beginning of the nineteenth century, was mostly present in the larger cities, and was in Denmark in force between 1874–1906, in Sweden between 1847 and 1918, and in Norway between 1840 and 1888 (Smith 1989; Lundquist 1982; Blom 2006; Pedersen 2000). According to Ripa (2016), despite different priorities regarding, for instance, public health, morals, and identification of the girl of the profession, four common elements could be observed within the different European regulatory systems of prostitution. Firstly, prostitution was tolerated as long as it was in compliance with state law. Secondly, prostitution was seen as a “necessary evil” based on the conviction that men regularly needed sexual intercourse, which shouldn't be repressed for the security of the social order (Larsen 2021). Thirdly, the system was seen as preventing the spread of venereal diseases. Telling in this regard is that only the prostitutes and not their clients were blamed for spreading diseases. The fourth common element, according to Ripa (2016), was the discriminating consensus in the European approach to prostitution: while sparing the clients, the figure of the prostitute was surrounded by dehumanizing associations and banished from many parts of society.During the MB, this regulatory system was also increasingly viewed in Scandinavia as a system based on gender discrimination, denigration, and humiliation. The leading figure of abolitionism, which started in 1875, was the English Josephine Butler (1828–1906), who condemned regulationism for the way it humiliated women (Bredsdorff 1973; Walkowitz 1980; Ripa 2016). In Scandinavia, abolitionism, which started in Sweden in 1878 and was soon followed by the other countries, took shape in different ways. Whereas in Sweden, abolitionism was mostly preoccupied with prostitution as a threat to social order, and less so with its consequences for women, in both Denmark and Norway, it was first and foremost a pledge for the same sexual morals for men and women. In Denmark, this was accompanied by a strong sense that extramarital sex for men could no longer be condoned, whereas in Norway, the brutalization of women as well as the false claim of preventing infections inherent in regulationism were the prime targets (Blom 2006).Elfride Müller Fibiger (1832–1911) was a Danish socially engaged writer, editor, philanthropist, and school founder, whose engagement is reflected in both her literary production and her social and political involvement. She grew up in a culturally and politically active family. Especially, her father played an important role in her school education and nourished her passion for patriotism, social issues, and practical solutions. After her husband died in 1868, she divided her time between raising her children, writing, and philanthropic activities (Fibiger and Clausen 1939). Fibiger's belief was that a structured, proper education for future housemaids would counteract prostitution and immorality (Haastrup 2003).Fibiger's inclination to help women was reflected in activities such as publishing the Tidskrift for Kvinder i de tre nordiske Riger (Journal for Women in the Three Nordic Countries) and establishing the first Københavnske Kogeskole (Copenhagen Cooking School), which later transformed into the Københavnske Uddannelsesskole for Tjenestepiger og vordende Husmødre (Copenhagen School of Education for Domestic Maids and Future Mothers), with its focus on education and the improvement of the quality of life for young girls who would work as domestic maids (Haastrup 2003; Larsen 2010).Women's sacrifice is a prominent theme in Fibiger's novels and short stories, including En Magdalenehistorie, en virkelig Begivenhed (1877; A Magdalene Story, a Real Event), analyzed in the second part of this section; Askepot (1880; Cinderella); To Fortællinger (1886; Two Tales); and Præst og Læge (1890; Priest and Doctor). Her nonfictional writings include, among others, Ogsaa et lille Ord om Kvinden (1880; Also a Minor Note on the Woman), which shows a profound Christian faith that she explicitly connects to the woman as a central figure in society. Vore Tjenstefolk (1881; Our Servants) illustrates her concern about the condition of Danish girls from the less fortunate classes, who, due to a lack of education and means, were more vulnerable and more exposed to falling into temptation and perdition. Kvinden: et Virkelighedsbillede (1893; Woman, an Image of Reality) was a direct call for equal rights for both sexes. Nutidens Ansvar og Forpligtelser (1889), analyzed in this part of the section, is a remarkable example.In this social-pedagogical text, Fibiger's belief is voiced, that proper and practically oriented school education for future housemaids and working-class girls could counteract and prevent them from ending up in prostitution.7 Throughout this work, in which she underlines her personal mission as philanthropist “at vække almindelig Forstaaelse” (Fibiger 1889, 1) [to awaken general understanding], she emphasizes that girls without means are important to society, and that accordingly, society should recognize their value and provide them with (financial) support to prevent their moral decay.Practically oriented schools would not only give girls without means the skills, attitudes, and structure needed to work as domestic maids, but more importantly, they would learn them to value themselves [“at værdsætte sig selv”] (Fibiger 1889, 2). Interesting to note is the writer's position concerning the sexual morality debate and what she defines as the main cause of moral decay in Denmark and beyond: “Sædelighedsspørgsmaalet” (3) [the question of the double moral standard]. Indeed, the author argues that this was caused by the prevailing philosophy at that time: “at leve og nyde Livet i saa store og fulde Drag som blot mulig” (3) [to live and enjoy life to the maximum of one's abilities]. According to Fibiger, this is strongly linked to the arbitrary and individual opinions concerning the truth, as well as, the institutional context that “man tør bruge for at fremme sin egen Begjær og egen Lyst” (4) [one dares to follow and promote one's own appetite and lust]. Fibiger's social appeal for preventing perdition and moral decay involved many institutions: Til Frelse for Faldne og Fordærvede have vi Institutioner, som ikke blot støttes, men bæres af Staten. Bedre er det dog at forebygge Fald end at skulle rejse den Faldne. Med dette for øje har Godgjørenheden ved Oprettelsen af Vuggestuer, Plejeforeninger og Børnehjem støttet Asyler og Skoler. . . . Har man virkelig til Hensigt at ville forbedre Samfundsforholdene, maa man følge Barnet en Strækning videre paa Vej, om man vil haabe at formindske antallet af faldne og fordærvede, som ellers senere skulle frelses. (Fibiger 1889, 5–6)(For the salvation of fallen and depraved people, we have institutions that are not only supported, but also under the auspices of the state. However, it is better to prevent falling than to raise the fallen. Charity has, to this end established nurseries, nursing associations and orphanages and supported asylums and schools. . . . If one really intends to improve the conditions of society, one must follow the child a little further along the way, if one wants to reduce the number of fallen and depraved, that otherwise would have to be saved later.)In the above excerpt, Fibiger not only discusses the importance of state support for the salvation of fallen girls, but she also focuses on another important aspect, which is to also support potentially vulnerable girls after their school trajectory ends and they accordingly may no longer be in contact with any official institution: “but one must follow the child a little further along the way.” And thus, she sees this as a necessary condition, “if one wants” a reduction of fallenness and depravation.8In the passage below, the author establishes a link between depravation and morality, and how important it is to strive for honorable conditions for vulnerable girls: Det samlede Antal for hele Landets Vedkommende kan anslaas til mellem 75 å 80,000 Tjenestepiger. Destoværre er det den usminkede Sandhed, at der bag dette store Mennesketal skjuler sig ikke blot et Utal af Strid, Splid, Nød og Elendighed, men fremfor Alt et Utal af Usædelighed og Umoralitet. Det er ikke alene Meddelelserne fra Politiet og Hospitalerne, det er ogsaa den skematiske Oversigt fra Land og By over uægte Børns Fødsler, der stadfæster, at det først og fremmest er den ubemidlede Klasses Døttre, og navnligen Tjenestepigen, som er det egentlige Usædelighedens Offer, og ikke Arbejdersken, saaledes som der stadig gjøres Paastand paa. . . . Hvor ligger Veien, og hvor de rette Midler, der kan føre til Maalet? (Fibiger 1889, 8–9)(The total number of maids for the entire country can be estimated at between 75 and 80,000. Unfortunately, it is the unvarnished truth that, behind this large number of people, not only hides a myriad of struggle, dissent, need, and misery, but above all a myriad of depravity and immorality. It is not only the notifications from the police and the hospitals, it is also the schematic overview of the country and the city about illegitimate childbirth, which confirms that most of all, it is the daughters of the impecunious class, and especially domestic maids, who are the real victims of immorality and not the female workers, as is claimed so often. . . . Where is the right way, and what are the right measures that can lead to this goal?)In this excerpt, Fibiger juxtaposes and uses numbers and facts “between 75 and 80,000 maids—notifications from the police and hospitals,” and “schematic overview of the country” to illustrate problems such as “struggle, dissent, need, and misery.” This enumeration culminates with her essential message that “most of all, it is the daughters of the impecunious class, and especially the maids, that are the real victims of immorality.” This climax clarifies that the dichotomy between immorality and young maids is hazardous. By raising the question at the end, she invites the reader to search for solutions in order to reach the ideal of honorable maids that remain strong even in the face of unpleasant work conditions and bad lordship. Fibiger was convinced that poorly educated girls without means could have a greater “Hang til Luxus i Klæder og Trang til Fornøielse” [penchant for luxury in clothing and urge for pleasure] (Fibiger 1889, 16) and were more vulnerable and exposed to the risk of getting involved in sexual transactions since they would be “ofte lokket af Udsigten til høiere Løn” (17) [often lured by the prospect of better pay]. However, she truly believed in the value of schools that could teach them about “at finde sin Ære og sin Glæde i Pligtopfyldelse” [finding their own honor and joy in the fulfillment of d